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Volume 1.
THE
UpS OJf PILOT.
IS PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY MORNING.
G-- A. MIIiLSR,
Editor aiul Proprietor. ■
JAMES R. noon,
Publisher.
Terms of Subscription.
la advance for 1 year, $2 00
If ment l>e delayed 6 month*, - - - 250
If delayed until the end of the year - - 300
Kates of Advertising.
Advertisements w ill be charged at the rate of one
dollar per square of ten lines or less, and fifty cents for
each subsequent insertion.
Professional Cards, not exceeding ten lines, will be
looted 12 months for £l2.
Lileral contracts made with Merchants and others
sighing to advertise by the year.
For Announcement of Candidates £5, invariably in
Advance.
Marriages and Deaths inserted free, when accompa
jurd by a resiwnsible name. Obituaries of over 10
hues charged as Advertisements.
We commend the follow ing Rates of Advertising by
contract to business men generally. We have placed
them at tbe lowest figures, and they will in no instance
be departed from :
PY CONTRACT. J 3 mos. J 6 mos. |!) nm*. 1 year.
OSE HQUAUK.
Without change, £fi 00 £,B 00 £lO 00 £l2 00
Changed quarterly 700 10 00 12 <*) 10 00
Changed at will, 800 12 00 14 00 00
TWO SQUARES.
Without change. 10 00 If. 00 20 00 25 00
Changed quarterly 12 00 18 00 24 (H) 28(H)
Changed at will, ’ 15 00 20 00 25 00 30 00
three squares.
Wiiletut change, l-> 00 20 00 25 00 30 On
Changed quarterly 18(H) 22(H) 20 00 34 00
Changed at will, 20 00 20 00 of “C‘ 400 O
HALF COLUMN,
Without change. 25 00 30 no 40 On •’ 00
Changed quarterly 28 <h 32 oo 4"’ 00 55 00
Changed at w ill, 35 00 45 qo 50 00 00 00
ONE COLUMN,
Without change. 00 00 70 of) 80 qo 100 (H)
Changed quarterly 05 (H) 75 (#) IM) (m 110 00
Changel at will, 70 00 85 qq I<K) qn 125 00
Legal Advertising.
Hales of Lands and Negroes, by administrators. Ex
ecutors and Guardians, are required by law t<> be held
on the lir>t Tuesday in the month, between the hours
of leu in the forenoon and three in the afternoon, at the
Court House in tlie county in w liielt the property is sit
uated. Notices of these sales must lie given in a pub
lic gazette forty days previous to the day of sale.
Notice for the sale of personal property must be
given at least ten days previous to the day of sale.
Notice to Debtors and Creditors of an Estate must
l>e published forty days.
Notice that application will be made to the Court of
Ordinary for leave to sell Land or Negroes, must be
published weekly for two months.
Uiunions for Getters of Administration must be pub
ltohM thirty days—for Dismission from Administration,
monthly six months—for Dismission from Guardian
ship, forty days.
Rules for Foreclosure of Mortgage must he published
monthly for four months—for establishing lost papers
for the full space of three month-—for compelling ti
tles from Executors or Administrators, where a bond
has been given by the deceased, the full space of three
months.
Publications will always be continued according to
these, the legal requirements, unless otherwise ordered,
*t the follow ing
BATES:
Citation on Letters of Administration, £2 50
“ Dismissory from Administration, C 00
“ “ Guardianship, 350
Leave to sell Land or Negroes 5 00
Halos of personal property, 10 days, 1 sq. 1 50
Hales of land or negroes bv Executors, 3 50
Estrays, two weeks, 1 50
Sheriffs Sales, 60 da vs, 500 j
“ 30 ‘ 2 50
I'fP Money sent by mail is at the risk of the Editor,
provided, if the remittance miscarry, a receipt be ex- ‘
bibited from tl.e Post Master.
PR< )FESSI< )N A Is CARI>S.
WM. G. lIORSLEV,
Attorney at Law,
THOM ASTON, GA.
WILL practice in Upson, Tallwt, Taylor, Crawford,
** Monroe, Pike and Merriwether Counties.
April 7. 1850—I v.
DR. JOHN GOODE,
RESPECTFULLY otters his Professional services to j
! the citizens of Thotnastoa and its vicinity.
He can he found during tin* day a* l>r. Heard's of- j
five, and at his father's residence at night.
Thomastou. Feb. 10.
THOMAS BEALL,
attorney at law,
THOM ASTON, GA.
fd3—iy
P. w. ALEXANDER,
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
TIIOMASTON. C.A.
uor2s—ly
*• Warrk *- c t ooode
WARREN & GOODE,
ATTORNFiYS at law,
PERRY, HOUSTON CO., GA
nor 18—ts
* A. C. MOORE,
I) E JV T IST,
THOM ASTON, CI A.
at my House (the late residence of Mrs.
rs “ here 1 am P re P ar cd to attend to all class
es of Dental Operations. My work is mvßeferenee.
novlS— ts
G. A. MILLER,
ATTORNEY at law,
kgSines s cards.
, s . GEORGE W. DAVIS,””
T n> r a heatitiful Stock of Spring and Sum- ;
Uie corn Prising every article usually kept in [
Call and see him at his old stand.
April 7, 1859.
Gll 4NITE HALL,
OPPOSITE THE LANIER HOUSE,
-MAeox', gi:oi :a i
B . F . DENSE,
. (Late of the Floyd nouse,)
rKOPKItTOB.
BUSINESS CALLS.
_ a
~A.fi. ’BROOKS,
Dealer in Farnilv Groceries,
THOM ASTON, GA.,
KEEPS constantly on hand a large stock of all kinds
of Family Groceries, Iron. Hollow Ware, <SLc., &c.,
j and a far Liquors for the afflicted.
S V Fruits and Oysters in season. nov2s—tf
BYDBHIIAM ACF.K. JNO. F. IVERSON
ACEE &. IVERSON,
DRUGGISTS A.\ D CHEMISTS,
SIGN OK GOLDEN EAGLE,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA.
TAEALERS in Foreign and Domestic Drugs, Medi
i ±J cines, Chemicals, Acids, f’ine Soaps, Fine Hair and
Tooth Brushes, Perfumery, Trusses and Shoulder
Braces, Surgical and Dental instruments, pure Wines
and Liquors for Medicinal purposes. Medicine Chests,
Glass, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuff*, Fancy and
Toilet Articles, Fine Tobacco and Havana Segars. &c..
&c. janG—tf.
~~H ARDEM AN & G RIF FIN,
Dealers in Staple Dry Goods and
Groceries of every Description
Corner of Cherry and Third Streets,
MACON, GA.
YITE would call the attention of the Planters of Up-
VV son and adjoining counties to the above Card, be
lieving we can make it to their interest to deal with
us.
Macon, Ga.. November 10,1858. nov2s—tf.
HP©LJT J © A L a
Letter from a Patriot and States
man.
The following letter from Edward Bates,
of Missouri, one of tiie ablest men the
country has ever produced, should be read
by every man who feels an interest in his
country’s welfare :
St. Louis, Thursday, Feb. 24, 1859.
ITo Messrs. J. Philip Phoenix, Willis
J} lock stone, JI. K. Jiininger, David J.
Liley, and li. It. Smith, Committer ,
i Note lot'k.
Sirs : — A short time ago I Mas favored
with vour note of the 7th inst., covering a
resolution of the Committee, to the effect
that it is inexpedient tit this time further j
to discuss or agitate the Negro question, !
but rather to turn the attention of the peo- i
pie t<* other topics—“topics of general im- ;
porttmee, such ;ts our Foreign Relations, I
including the extension of Territory ; the
building of Railroads for National purpo
ses ; the improvement of our Harbors, the
navigation of our Rivers to facilitate In
ternal Commerce ; the subject of Curren
cy, and a Taritfof Duties, and other means
of developing our own internal resources,
| our home wealth and binding together by
; ties of national and fraternal feelings the
i various parts and sections of our widely
extended Republic.”
our letter, gentlemen, opens a very
wide held in asking for my “opinion upon
tin* subject, and my views as to the signs
of the times.” Books have been written
upon these matters and speeches delivered
by the thousand, and yet the argument
seems as far from being exhausted as it
was at the beginning ; and I take it for
certain that you do not expect or desire
me to discuss at large all or any of these
interminable quarrels. That I have opin
ions upon all or most of them is true—not
I the opinions of this or that party, ready
to be abandoned or modified to suit this
or that platform, but my own opinions—
perhaps the more fixed and harder to be
changed because deliberately formed in the
retirement of private life, free from the ex
igencies of official responsibility and from
the pert in bat ions of party policy. They
are my own opinions, right or wrong.
As to the Negro question—l have al
ways thought and often declared in speech
and in print that it is a pestilent question,
the agitation of which has never done good
to any party, section or class, and never
can do good, unless it be accounted good
to stir up the angry passions of men and
exasperate the unreasonable jealousy of
sections, and by those bad means foist
some unlit men into office and keep some
tit men out; it is a sensitive question, in
to whose dangerous vortex it is quite pos
sible for good men to be drawn unawares.
But when 1 see a man, at the South or
the North, of mature age and some expe
rience, persist in urging the question, af
ter the sorrowful experience of the last
few years, I can attribute his conduct to
no higher motive than personal ambition
or sectional prejudice.
As to the power of the General Govern
ment to protect the persons and proper
ties, and advance the interests of the peo
ple, by laying taxes, raising armies and
navies, building forts and arsenals, light
houses, moles, and breakwaters, surveying
the coast and adjacent seas, improving
rivers, lakes, and harbors, and making
roads—l should be very sorry to doubt
the existence of the power, or the duty to
exercise it, whenever the constituted au
thorities have the means in their hands,
and are convinced that its exercise is nec
essary to protect the country and advance
the prosperity of the people.
In my own opinion, a government that
has no power to protect the harbors of its
country against winds and waves and hu
man enemies, nor its rivers against snags,
sands and rocks, nor to build roads for th^
‘THE UNION OF THE STATES;-DISTINCT, LIKE THE BILLOWS; ONE, LIKE THE SEA.”
THOM ASTON, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING. MAY 5,135 ft
\ transportation of its armies and its mails
and the commerce of its people, is a poor,
impotent government, and not at all such
a government as our fathers thought they
had made when they produced the Consti
tution which was greeted by intelligent
men everywhere with admiration and grat
itude as a government free enough for all
the ends of legal liberty, and strong enough
for all purposes of national and individual
protection. A free people, if it be wise,
w ill make a good Constitution ; but a Con
stitution, however good in itself, did never
make a free peojde. The people do not
derive their rights from the Government,
but the Government derives its powers
from the people; and these powers are
granted for the main, if not the only, pur
pose of protecting the rights of the people.
Protection, then, if not the sole, is the
chief end of government.
And it is for the governing power to
judge, in every instance, what kind and
what degree of protection is needful—
w hether a navy to guard our commerce all
around tho world, or an army to defend
the country against armed invasion from
without, or domestic invasion from with
in ; or a tariff to protect our home indus
try against the dangerous obtrusion of for
eign labor and capital.
Os the existence of the power and duty
of the Government to protect the people
in their persons, their property, their in
dustry, and their locomotion, 1 have no
doubt, but the time, the mode, and meas
ure of protection, being always questions
of policy and prudence, must of necessity
be left to the wisdom and patriotism of
those whose duty it is to make laws for the
good government of the country. And
with them 1 freely leave it as the safest,
I and, indeed, the only, constitutional de
pository of the power.
As to our foreign policy generally, I
have but little to say. lam not much of
a progressive, and am content to leave it
where Washington placed it, upon that
I wise, virtuous, safe maxim—“ Peace with
j all nations ; entangling alliance with none.”
j The greedy and indiscriminate appetite for
foreign acquisition, which makes us covet
| our neighbors’ lands, and devise cunning
schemes to get. them, lias little of my sympa
thy, I view it as a sort of glut
tony, as dangerous to our bodv politic as
gluttony is to the natural man—produc
ing disease certainly, hastening death,
probably. Those of our politicians who
are afflicted with this morbid appetite tire
wont to cite the purchase of Louisiana and
Florida, as giving countenance to their in
ordinate desires. But (he cases are whol
ly unlike in almost every particular. Lou
isiana was indispensable to our full and
safe enjoyment of an immense region which
was already owned, and its acquisition
gave us the unquestioned control of that
noble system of Mississippi waters, which
nature seems to have made to be one and
indivisible, and rounded off the map of the
nation into one uniform and compacted
whole. Nothing remained to mar and dis
figure our national plat but Florida, and
that was desirable, less for its intrinsic val
ue than because it would form a danger
ous means of annoyance, in case of war
with a maritime power, surrounded, as it
is, on three sides by the ocean, and touch
ing three of our present States, with no
barrier between. The population of Lou
isiana and Florida, when acquired, was
very small compared with the largeness of
the territory ; and, lying in contact w T ith
the States, was easily and quickly absorb
ed into and assimilated with the mass of
our people. Those countries were acquired,
moreover, in the most peaceful and friend
ly manner, and for a satisfactory conside
ration.
Now, without any right or necessity, i(
is hard to tell what we do not claim in all
the continent south of us, and the adja
cent islands. Cuba is to be the first fruit
of our grasping enterprise, and that is to
be gotten at all hazards, by peaceful pur
chase if we can, by war and conquest if
we must. But Cuba is only an out-post
to the Empire of Islands and continental
countries that are to follow. A leading
{Senator has lately declared (in debate on
the thirty million bill) that w’o must not
only have-Cuba, but all the Islands from
Cape Florida to the Spanish Main, so as
to surround the Gulf of Mexico and Ca
riboan Sea, and make them our “mare
clausum ,” like the Mediterranean, in old
times, when the Roman Emperor ruled
both its shores, from the pillars of Hercu
les to the Hellespont. This claim of marc \
nostrum implies, of course, that we must
own the continent that bounds our sea on
the West, as well as the string of Islands
that inclose it on the East —that is, Mex
ico, Central America and all South
America, so far South at least as the Ori
noco. In that wide compass of sea and
land there are a good many native Gov
ernments, and Provinces belonging to the
strongest maritime powers, and a narrow
continental isthmus which we ourselves,
as well as England and France, are wont
to call the highway of nations. To fulfill
the grand conception and perfect our trop
ical empire, we must buy or conquer all
these torrid countries, and their mongrel
populations. As to buying them, it strikes
me we had better wait aw hile, at least un
til the Government has ceased to borrow
money to pay its current expenses. And
as to conquering them, perhaps it would
be prudent to pause and make some esti
mate, of costs and contingencies, before we
rush into war with all maritime Europe
and half America.
I am not. one of those who believe that
the United States is not an independent
and safe nation, because Cuba is not apart
|of it. On the contrary, I believe we are
quife capable of self-defence, even if the
Queen of the Antilles were a province of
England, France or Russia; and surely,
while it remains an appendage of a com
paratively feeble nation, Cuba has much
. more cause to fear us than we have to fear
Cuba, In fact, gentlemen, I cannot help
doubting the honesty of the cowardly ar
gument by which we are urged to rob poor
old Spain of this last remnant of her Wes
tern empire, fur fear that she might use it
; to rub us.
But suppose we could get honestly and
peaceably, the whole of the country —con-
tinental and insular—from the Rio Grande
to the Orinoco, and from Trinidad to Cu
ba, and thus establish our mare clausum,
and shut the gate of the world across the
Isthmus, can we govern them wisely and
well P For the last lew years in the at
tempt to govern our home Territories of
Kansas and Utah, we have not very well
maintained the dignity and justice of the
nation, nor secured the peace and prosper
ity of the subject people. Can we hope to
do better with the various mixed races of
Mexico, Central unci South America, and
the West India Islands? Some of those
countries have been trying for fifty years
to establish republican governments on
our model, but in every instance have mis
erably failed ; and yet there was no obsta
cle to complete success but their own inap
titude.
For my part, I should grieve to see my
country become, like Rome, a conquering
and dominant nation—for I think there
are few ur no examples in history of gov
ernments whose chief objects were glory
and power, w hich did ever secure the hap
piness and prosperity of their own people.
Such guyer!)merits uiay grow great aqd fa
: ui, . and advance a lew of their citizens j
to wealth and nobility; but the price of j
their grandeur is the personal indepen- I
deuce and individual freedom of their peo
ple. Still less am 1 inclined to see absorb
ed into our system, “on an equal footing
with the original States,” the various and
mixed races (amounting to I know’ not
how many millions) which inhabit the con
tinent and islands south ot our present i
border. lam not w illing to inoculate our
body politic with the virus of their dis
eases, political and social—diseases which
with them are chronic and hereditary, and
with us could hardly fail to produce cor
ruption in the head and weakness in the j
members.
Our own country, as it is, in position, j
form and size, is a w onder which proclaims :
a wisdom above the wit of man. Large |
enough for our posterity fur centuries to j
come. All in the temperate zone, and
therefore capable of a homogeneous popu- :
lation, yet so diversified in climates and
soils as to produce everything that is nec
essary to the comfort and wealth of agrcat
people. Bounded east and west by great ;
oceans, and bisected in the middle by a
mighty river wdiich drains and fructifies
the continent, and binds together the most
southern and northern portions of our land,
by a bond stronger than iron. Besides all
this, it is new’ and growing—the strongest
on the continent, with no neighbor whose
power it fears, or of whose ambition it has
cause to be jealous. Surely such a conn- !
try is great enough and good enough for
all the ends of honest ambition and virtu
ous power.
It seems to me that tin efficient, home
loving Government, moderate and econom
ical in its administration, peaceful in its
objects and just to all nations, need have
no fear of invasion at home, or serious
aggression abroad. The nations of Europe
have to stand continually in defence of I
their existence, but the conquest of our 1
country by a foreign Power is simply im- j
possible, and no nation is so absurd as to |
entertain the thought. We may conquer
ourselves by local strife and sectional ani
mosities ; and w hen, by our folly and wick
edness, we have accomplished that great
calamity, there will be none to pity us for
the consequences of so great a crime.
If our Government would devote all its
energies to the promotion of peace and
friendship with all foreign countries, the
advancement of commerce, the increase of
agriculture, the growth and stability of
manufactures, and the cheapening, quick
ening and securing the internal trade and
travel of our country ; in short, if it would
devote itself in earnest to the establishment
of a wise and steady policy of internal gov
ernment, I think we should witness a
growth and consolidation of wealth and
comfort and power for good, which cannot
be reasonably hoped for from a fluctuating
policy, always watching for the turns of.
coed fortune, or from a graspiou* ambition
to seize new territories, which are hard to
get and harder to govern.
The present position of the Administra
tion is a sorrowful commentary upon the
broad democracy of its professions. In
theory, the people have the right and abil
ity to do anything; in practice, we are ver
ging rapidly to the One-Man power,
i The President, the ostensible head of
the National Democrats, is eagerly striv
ing to concentrate power in his own hands,
and thus to set aside both the People and
their Representatives in the actual affairs
ot government. Having emptied the.Tre
surv, which he found full, and living pre
cariously upon borrowed money, he now
demands of Congress to intrust to his un
checked discretion the War power, the
Purse and the Sword. First, heasks Con
gress to authorize him, by statute, to use
the Army to take military possession of
the Northern Mexico, and hold it under
his protectorate, and as a security for debts
due to our citizens —civil possession would
not answer, for that might expose him, as
in the case of Kansas, to be annoyed by a
factious Congress and a rebellious Territo- I
rial Legislature.
Secondly—Not content with this, he de
mands the discretionary power to use the
army and navy in the South ; also in block
ading the coast and marching his troops
into the interior of Mexico and New Gran
ada to protect our citizens against all evil
doors along the transit routes of Telman- !
tepee and Panama. And he and his sup- ;
porters in Congress claim this enormous 1
power upon the ground that, in this par
ticular at least, lie ought to be the equal
of the greatest monarch of Europe. They
forget that our fathers limitsd the power
ot the President by design, and for the rea
son that they had found out by sad expe
rience that the monarchs of Europe were
too strong for freedom.
Third—ln strict pursuance of this doc
trine, first publicly announced from Ostend,
lie demands of Congress to hand over to
him $30,000,000 to be used at his discre
tion to facilitate the acquisition of Cuba.
Facilitate how ? Perhaps it might be im
prudent to tell.
Add to all this the fact (as yet unex
plained) that one of the largest naval ar
maments that ever sailed from our coast is
now operating in South America ostensi
bly against a poor little republic far up the
Platte river to settle somelittle quarrel be
tween the two Presidents. If Congress
had been polite enough to grant the Pres
ident’s demand of the sword and the purse
against Mexico, Central America, and Cu
ba, this navy, its duty done at the South,
might be made, on its way home, to arrive
in the Gult very opportunely to aid the
“Commander-in-Chief” in the acquisition
of some very valuable territory.
I allude to these facts with no malice
against Mr. Buchanan, but as evidence of
the dangerous change which is now obvi
ously sought to be made in the practical
working of the Government—the concen
tration of power in the hands of the Pres
ident and the dangerous policy, now
almost established, of looking abroad for
temporary glory and aggrandizement in
stead of looking at home, for all the pur
poses of good government —peaceable,
moderate, economical, protecting all inter
ests alike, and by fixed policy, calling into
safe exercise all the talents and industry of
our people, and thus steadily advancing
our country in everything which can make
a nation great, happy and permanent.
The rapid increase of the public expen
diture, and that, too, under the manage- j
ment of statesmen professing to be pecu-1
liarly economical, is an alarming sign of;
corruption and decay.
That increase bears no fair proportion ■
to the growth and expansion of the country,
but looks rather like wanton waste or
criminal negligence, The ordinary objects :
of great expense are not materially aug- j
monted—the army and navy remain on a |
low peace establishment—the military de
fences are little, if at all enlarged—the
improvement of harbors, lakes and rivers
is abandoned, and the Pacific railroad is
not only not begun, but the very location
is scrambled for by angry sections, which
succeed in nothing but mutual defeat In
short, the money to an enormous amount
(I am told at the rate of $80,000,000 to
8100,000,000 a year) is gone, and we have
little or nothing to show for it. In pro
found peace with foreign nations, and sur
rounded with the proofs of national growth
and individual prosperity, the Treasury,
by less than two years of management, is j
made bankrupt, and the Government itself j’
is living from hand to mouth, on bills of
credit and borrowed money.
This humiliating state of things could
hardly happen if men in power were both ,
honest and wise. The Democratic econo- j
mists in Congress confess that they have
recklessly wasted the public revenue ; they
confess it by refusing to raise the tariff to j 1
meet the present exigency, and by insisting
that they can replenish the exhausted
Treasury and support the Government, in
credit and efficiency, by simply striking off i
the ir former extravagances.
An illustrious predecessor of the Presi- •
dent is reported to have declared “ that <
v k*. f
those who live on borrowed money ought to
break’ 1 do not concur m tflut harsh say
ing ; yet I am clearly of opinion that the
Government, in common prudence, (to say
nothing of pride and dignity,) ought to
reserve its credit for great transactions and
unforseen emergencies. In common times
of peace, it ought always to have an es
tablished revenue, equal at least, to it#
current expense And that revenue ought
to be so levied as to foster and protect thw
industry of the country employed in otir
most necessary and important manufac
ture?.
Gentlemen, I cannot touch upon all the
topics alluded to in your letter and resolu
tion. 1 ought rather to l>og your pardon
for the prolixity of this answer. I speak
for no party, because the only party I ever
belonged to has cetised to exist as an or
ganized and militant body. ‘
And I speak for no man but myself.
lam fully aware that in y opinions and
views of public policy are of no importance
to anybody Gut me. and there is good rea
son to fear that some of them are so anti
quated and out of fashion as to make it
very improbable that they will ever again
be put to the test of actual practice. Most
respectfully, Eow.mil) Bates.
Scaring a “Green Horn,”--The Mos
. bile Adrertint r relates the adventures of
j countrymen who recently visited that citjq
and one of the incidents is as follows ;
He was in the middle ot Dauphin
j and near u large music store, in which there
were a bevy of ladies, one of whom waa
testing the merits of anew and beautiful
piano, which the proprietor had that mor
ning opened. Hosier hastened to the
sidewalk and planted himself in the mid
dle of the door, where, with mouth wide
open, he stood, enjoying music which he
had never befoic heard, with the most in
tense satisfaction.
It was in coining out of the door that
he was met by our old friend Dick—-
“straight back Dick,” of yellow fever mem
ory—who had been watching him for some
time, waiting for an opportunity to exer
cise his vocation.
Dick's intention was to see how far ho
might play upon the hoosier’s fears through
his apparent greenness —to put on a bully
ing, swaggering front—and, if he succeed
ed in frightening him sufficiently, got up-*
mock court among his friends and put
greeny through a trial tor some imaginary
offense, convict and punish him, and add
another to the list ot victims serni-occasion
ally immolated upon the shrine of his pet
passion. Dick had it all arranged.
As Greeney stepped out of the store ho
received a tap on his shoulder which would
not have allayed a pain had one existed
there, and tinning around quickly he dis
covered Dick standing in a commanding
position, right foot advanced, left hand
upon the hip, and right hand extended—
palm up—as though waiting for something
to be deposited therein, Greeney looked
into the extended hand, and then interro
gatively into Dick's eyes.
“Your license!’’ demanded Dick, sharp
iy-.
“What license?’ asked Grecnev, not a
whit alarmed.
“ W by, your license for walking on my
pavement,” returned Dick, waxing wroth.
“Darn your pavement,”replied Greeney,
warmly, and looking around as though
searching for tin* pavement. “I haint
walked over it. 1 haint seed it, and I haint
got no license. ’
“ Then get out into the street, you
scant]), I don’t allow persons to stand on
the sidewalk who have no license!”
“ Well, now, look a hire, stranger, I
aint awar of having done nothin’ Wrong, as
1 knows on, and 1 reckon as how if I do
get off this sidewalk, somebcdy’ll put me
off, sure’s I’m from Pike !”
Vos. and I am the somebody that will
do it!” said Dick, who hud worked him
self up into a special rage. Suiting his
movements to his words, Dick turned Up
his sleeves, and executed a series of mani
pulations that would have attracted the
attention of Aaron Jones himself, all pre
paration to a grand “pitching into” the
unprotected front of the innocent Greeney.
W'ith the utmost unconcern, he allowed
Dick to circle arc tied him once or twice,
when he straightened out a brawny arm,
to which was attached a sledge hammer fist,
and quick as thought Dick occupied a hor
izontal position upon the mooted sidewalk,
I loonier calmly regarded the cha]*-faliezp
joker as he slowly regained his feet aud
started off.
Sticking his fists deep into the capacious
pockets of his pantaloons, ho watched the
retreating form of Dick, who did not get
away without hearing the jart'ng admo
nition of the green Tin :
“I say. yew — next time. yo*t fish i or
puckers, fry sv.m ot'a - bait arid ye.”
The net increase of the Method ist Church
South, the past year, as gathered from the
General Mimitc3 ju.-’t issued, wae. 44.898,
makeing the present total membership, of
the Methodist Episcopal Church Cutittq
€99.177
Number &