Newspaper Page Text
journal & Messenger.
J. KNOWLES and S. ROSE,
EDITORS AND PROPRIETORS.
Oorreapcrideni'e i*f the Journal of Commerce.
RroilHiiceuce* <•< Oauiel UebkUr.
BT REV. BOSWELL *HCRrLEFF, D. I.
Bo=ton, Feb. 14, 1861.
Soon fitter the lamented Web3ter was no longer
of earth, haring acted as pastor of the Ohnrch at
ifarhtild. where he attended for 9onie years, I
was requested by some of his literary friends to
write out some reminiscences of the great man and
good parishioner. ‘This I could not do, at an?
length, without repeating what I had previously
<V.rnisbed for your columns. But the brief notice
I did prepare, was substantially what 1 now aeud
to you, and at a time when hi* personal intluence
is so much needed in the country, and w hen hia
7th of March speech, which he himself termed
rrra pro <jruti* t is spoken of approvingly in quar
ters where it would have been regarded as down
right heresy at the time of his death.
Mr. Webster appeared to lore his home, fie
was there more at eae and more ready to cob Terse
on various subjects than when 1 met him in Boston
and elsewhere. As he sat in his home at Mars
field, as he walked and rode over his immense
farm, h° was in hue spirits, his face often being
lit up with his peculiarly joyous smile. Mr. Web
ster delighted to be in the open air. Almost al
ways, when i called on him, 1 would find him
walking or riding over his farm, or in the house
of a neighbor, or else about fishing or sunning.
AU agree in Marsfield, that he was the first man
up in the morning on his farm, and that there was
no peace to any sieeper after be rose. Mr. Web
ster frequently appeared in what might be termed
a farmer’s costume, and often in a fisherman’s
dress. On one occasion, he met in the street,
near his residence, the wife of a neighbor farmer,
who was, for a moment frightened at the remarka
ble appearance of a supposed stranger. As soon
as she began to avoid him, he began to i-.ugh ,
whereupon the good wife laughed, and they both
passed ou without speak mg. M* Webster, while
he <s kind to those in his emp;-\v. wished to
hare them coo form to his wishes. On one occa
sion. Diwelifev Baker, who had, for many years,
tlie care of hie own mansion house, forgot .some
thing that his master told him to do. “ Forgot it,
forgot it,” said Mr. Webster, “ 1 never forgot
anything.” Mr. Baker was always extremely at
tached to him, for whom he cared so long, and,
next to John Tavior, was a mourner when lie was
no more.
Mr. Webster appeared to be a very domestic
man, fond of his wife, fond of his children—food
of hia servants and of bis Hocks and herds—fond
of home, and of all that pertained ihereto—fond
of hia friends and neighbors and townsmen, and
of Plymouth county lueu generally.
Mr. Webster bore the yoke in his youth. To
Moreland, a neighbor of hia, who, on one occasion,
mourned that his sou, who was a promising schol
ar, was straiteued for the means to procure an
education—was obliged to keep school, and so
forth, to pay his educational expenses; to him,
Mr. Webster said, “ Let John alone, be wili do
well. 1 once taught school for three dollars a
month.” He afterwards offered him the free use
of his law and miscellaneous library.
From my own knowledge, 1 should say that Mr.
Webster was a moral and religious man. Judged,
as many judge of a religious person—by his reli
gious talk and pretence, he might not be set down
us very religious ; but judged by bis reverential
uuu devotional appearances in church; by his
generous support of, and respect for the Christian
ministry—by his observance of the Sabbath—bv
h>s intimate acquaintance with, ana belief of the
Holy Scriptures as word of God — by the gen
eral tone and spirit of all hie writings, so that j
nothing can be found, that a pood man dying j
would wish to blot., and by his nmuiieat love for
that which wag lovely, excellent, and of good re
port; by the closing ‘lays of his life, and by hia
Christian death ; and judged, too, as a public man,
exposed, most of iis days, to the great and peculiar
dangers incident to a public and politeial life, I
should say that he was, since my knowledge ol
him, a good and pious m.-vo.
In conversations that I have held with Mr.
Webster, in reply to the question, “ What has
been your mode of preparation to speak in public’'”
be said, that be “usually studied a subject, and
spoke front short notes.” .fust after he made that
tour in New York at the opening ot the Krie Rail
road, in company with President Fillmore, when f
expressed surprise at his being able to speak so
often during his tour oil the name general subject,
and yet without repetition of ideas, he replied :
** I have been studying and speaking on these top
ics all my life.”
On another occasion, immediately after General
Taylor was nominated for the Presidency, he ob
served, in conversation, “ that there is no honor
in these days, in being President of the I’nited
States, to succeed such men as have for some time
filled the office. Id the times of Washington it
was an honor it) bo President.”
Soon after Mr. Webster made hi* seventh of
March speech, he visited Bostou, and while in the
city, made a brief address to his fellow-citizens,
from a temporary stand in front of the Revere
Jiotiso, After hii address, a large number ot’ his i
friends took him by the hand in the parlors *ithi{j. i
Among others who spoke with him was the tieuer
able and Reverend Mr. Cleveland, who had hien
a Button city missionary lor more than a quarter
of a century. Mr. C., on taking him by the hand,
said, “ Mr. Webster, when you have delivered the
Country from one or two more foreign wars, when
you shall have saved the nation again and again
from civil war, the majority of the peopL- of this
land will begin to appreciate your services. Sir, 1
flhali never cea*e to love yon; I shall never ce*9e
to pray lor you.” Mr. W ebster bowed, aud replied,
“ our words are like apples of gold in pictures of
’ silver.”
It is Safe to say that Mr. Webster, before hia
death anticipated something like what we now see
in this country. More than twenty-fire vesrs ago
he said, iu the course of an address at Plymouth,
“ I deem the dissolution of this Union a possible
event.” There is a gentleman in this city who
heard him s*y this, sad so impressed was he by
it, though then but a youth, that he remembered
it to this day.
Toward the dose of his life, be spoke somewhat
despairingly to the writer, of our political pros
pects. Said he, ** Our people seem to forget that
our government does not stand, like those in Eu
rope aud elsewhere, upou hereditary rights or by
force, but upon the will of the governed. When,
therefore, public sentiment is against our present
form es government, it will come to an end.”
\ejtro Viet ti an lot.
An article iu a late number of fießowo lUcieer,
from the pen of Judge Hopkins, of Mobile, directs
attention to the injury which the writer thinks is
lively to lie iutticled on the South by the system
of instructing negroes in the mechanic arts, aud
employing them as mechanics. lie says:
“If it lie desirable to preserve the |a(riarchan
system of negro slavery now existing at the youth,
as the very Best basis of social order and moral
and domestic integrity which none may doubt
aho has evoked wisdom and virtue in pursuing
the question, slaveholder* should allay this anta
gonism m their midst, by agreeing through legis
lative action, to confine the negro to the soil, thus
to elevate and open the mechanic trades to the
non-elareholding peoptc around them. Dignify
the trade to the level with the professions, iu com
mon acceptation, and idling, loafing, lounging,
fox-hunting, or in other wor*b, geneial dissipation
of healt. energy and time, among the young men
of the South would almost cease, and in their
place be substituted general, busy industry. Bv
confining the negro to the soil, the mechanic would
be at once converted from an open or secret enemr
of negro slavery, into its firm advocate and sup
porter, because he would then feel himself lifted
up in the scale of social respectability, and main
tained in that position by the subordinated negro,
confined exclusively to menial service. Before
the law and comtuunity, all white citizens would
a'and strictly on a footing of equality, and be alone
distinguished by courtesy and mental superiority.”
Lincoln’ first iut in Wishinotmc.—The Her
ald’a correspondent giving an account of Lincoln*
first day in Wa*biiigtou and his reception of visi
tors, says:
It may be truly said that Mr. Lincoln’* first day
in Washington as President elect has been a de
cided soccess. Democrats as well as Republican*
are pleased with him, and the ladies, who thought
lie was awkward at first sight, change.l their opin
ion, and now declare him “a very pleasant, socia
ble gentlemau, and not bad looking by any
mean?.'’
Northern PArKit>r:sg.—Commodore Stocktou
is reported to buve said i a ,h e Peace Congres
•fit for every regiment raised in the North for
coercion, tao would be raised to defend it at
home. He even goes further, and say*, urde*- the
Abolitionist* oiler conciliation -and compromise
t>efore conflict, he will bead one of the h-.,D, regi
ments in New Jersey, ami stand pledged that i, O
foreign regiments shall pas* over her consecrated
soil—Princeton and Trenton battlefield*—to fight
tb* cool try men of W ashiugtou, who stood upon
them, and Urere bled for Jersey met. 1
An tri
To raise money for the support of lire Govern
meut, and to provide for the defence of the Con
federate States of America.
See. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States
do enact, that the President of the Confederate
States, be, and he is hereby authorised, at any
time within twelve months after the passage of
this art, to borrow, on the credit of the Confed
erate States, a sum not exceeding fifteen millions
of dollars, or so much thereof, as, in hi 9 opinion,
the exigencies of rbe public service may require,
to be applied to the payment of appropriations
made by law fur the support of the Government,
and for ilia defences of the Confederate States.
2. The Secretary of the Treasury is hereby au
thorized by the consent of the Confederate States,
to cause to be prepared certificate* of stor ks or
bends, iu such as are hereinafter mentioned,
for the amount to be borrowed as aforesaid, to be
signed by the Register of the Treasury, and seal
ed with the seal of the Treasury ; and the said
certificates of stock or bonds shall be made paya
ble at ihe expiration of ten years from the first
day of September next; and the interest thereon
shall be paid semi-annually, at the rate of eight
per cent, per annum, at the Treasury, and such
other places as the Secretary of the Treasury may
designate. Anil to the bonds which shall be is
sued, as aforesaid, shall be attached coupons for
the semi annual interest which shall accrue, which
coupons may be signed by officers to lx* appointed
for the purpose by the Secretary of tne Treasury.
And the faith of the Confederate States i hereby
pledged for the due payment, of the principal and
interest of the said stocks and bonds.
S. At the expiration of five year*, from the first
day of September next, the Confederate States
may pay any portion of the bonds or stocks, upon
giving three months previous public notice, at the
seat of Government, of the particular stocks or
bonds to le paid, and the time and place of pay
ment ; and from and after the lime so appointed,
no further interest shall be paid on said stock or
bomD.
4. The certificate* of stock and bonds shall be
issued in such form and for such amounts as may
be determined by the Secretary of the Treasury,
and may be assigned or delivered under such teg
i ulaiioi.3 as he may establish. But none of them
jslnll be lor u i. s.- suin than buy doliais; and h<
Jzhtil report to I'ongu-ajat iutnext session, a state
ment in detail of his ptovcedlng*, and the rate at
which the Joans may have Ix'f it made, and all ex
pense* attending the same.
it. From and after the first day of August, 1861,
there shall be levied, collected, and paid, a duty
of one-eighth of one cent per peuud on ail cotton
in the raw state exported from the Confederate
State*, which duty is hereby specially pledged to
the due payment of interest aud principal of the
loan provided for in this act, and the Secretary of
the Treasury is hereby authorised and required to
establish a sinking iuud to carry into effect the
provisions of this section: Provided, however,
that ihe interest coupons issued under the second
sectiou of this act, when due, shall be receivable
in payment of the export duty on cotton. I’rov
ided, however, that the interest coupons issued
under the second section of this act, when due,
shall be receivable in payment of the export duty
on cotton. Provided, ml.so, that when the debt
and interest thereon, herein authorized to be con
tracted, shall be extinguished, or the sinkiug fund
provided for that purpose shall be adequate to
to that end, the said export duty shall cease and
determine.
Adopted February 27th, 1861.
The annexed act was also passed iu secret ses
sion, and the secrecy removed.
AN ACT
To r.iise provisional forces, for the Confederate
Suites of America, and for other purposes.
Sec. 1. The Congress of the Confederate States do
enaet that to enable the Government of the Con
tederste Slates to maintain iis jurisdiction over all
questions ot peace and war, and to provide for
the public defence, the President be and is hereby
authorized and directed to assume control of all
military operations iu every State, having refer
ence to or connection with questions between said
States by* any of them, aud [tower* foreign to
them.
Sec. 2. A ltd be it farther enacted. That the
President is hereby authorized to receive from
the several States the arms and munitions of war,
which have been acquired from the United State*’
anti whicli are now in the fort*, arseu.-tls, and navy
yards of the said States, and nil other arms and
munition which they may desire to turn over and
make chargeable to this Government.
Sec. 3. fie .t farther e unci td. Ttmt the Prosi
dent be authorized to receive into the service of
this Government such forces now in the service of
-aid States as may be tendered, or who may vol
unteer by consent of their State in such numbers
as ho may require for any time not lesa than
twelve months, unless sooner discharged.
Sec. 5. He it further enacted, That such forces
may bo received with their officers by companies,
bauallious, or regiment*, and when so received
shall form a part of the provisional army of the
j Confederate States, according to the terms of
their enlistment, and the President shall appoint
by and with the advice and consent of Congress
such general officer or officers, for said lorees, as
may be necessary lor the service.
Sec. t>. lit it fui'tlor ttni< lt(] } That said forces,
! when received info the service oftliw (loiern*
imenf, aimll lute the same paj and allowances as
nifty la* provided by law tor volunteers entering
the service, or tor the army of the Confederate
State*, and shall be subject to the same rules and
and government.
From the Biitiniore American.
Hi'. Lincoln iu Wanhiiigton.
In the Peace Conference it was proposed that
Commissioner* should call and pay their respects
in a body. Mr. Lincoln expressed a desire for them
o do- bo, but intimated a preference for the re
ception to take [dace in the Conference hall, as
hid own parlors were much crowded. This being
entirely agreeable to the Commissioners, the hour
of nine o'clock P. M. was fixed .for the reception,
and everything being made ready, the President
elect was notified of the fact. lie had now chang
ed hi* mind and said he would prefer to receive
the members of the Convention in his own parlor.
To the parlor the members proceeded, and there
they were, each in turn, presented. During this
presentation the beet feeliiut prevailed, indicative
of the good nature and joking propensities of the
President elect.
The Hon. I. *w is Cass, ex Secretary of State,
called, in company with Mr. Seward, on Mjnday
morning, and paid bis respects to the President
elect. They conversed some time on the present
condition of the country, and tho veteran states
man evinced great emotion as he addressed Mr.
Lincoln in relation to the difficulties by which he
was surrounded. Mr. Lincoln was much a fleeted
and expressed himself a* fully appreciating his
position.
Alter an interchange of opinion for more than
a half hour Mr. Cass retired, in company with
his son-in-law, Mr. Ledyard, leaving Mr. Lincoln
and Mr. Seward closeted together. In a few min
utes after General Cass had left a servant appear
ed with a card endorsed “11. Greely.” Mr. Greely
was waiting in the passage, and the servant re
turned in a few minutes with the reply that “Mr.
Lincoln is engaged.” Mr. Greely questioned him,
and on ascertaining that Mr. Seward was there,
and that he passed the card to him as he gave the
answer, was quite furiou*. He had just arrived
and presented himself in anew black suit, and a
black beaver, looking better than I have seen him
for some time. Having cast the vote of Oregon
for Mr. Lincoln ho had cause to exclaim et ta
irate. There is no longer aDy doubt that Mr.
Seward has the inside track of the Tribune.
Mr. Lincoln wa? afterwards called upon bv the
President, Senator Powell, lion. Preston King,
Vice President Breckenridge, Senator Doolittle,
Commodore Spalding, and other gentlemen ol
note.
A throng of ladies, among whom was the family
ol Gen. Cass, paid their respect* to Mrs. Lincoln,
who held quite ft levee up to 2 I*. M.
At 2 o’clock Mr. Lincoln, accnfiqramed by Sen
ator Seward, visited the Capitol, and spent a
short time on the iloor of both houses, where lo
wa* cordially greeted by his friend*. He also vis
ited the chamber of the Supreme Court, and was
presented by Mr. Seward to the Justices.
Bellefonte (Ala.) Era, a leading seces
sion print, is much disgusted by the derision of
the Southern Congress in relation to the tariff and
the foreign slave trade, it says in its number of
the 21st instant:
“We are not prepared to believe that the Con
sti'ution tor our [K-ruianent Southern Government
wili copy and keep in force the very law* whicli
have- disrupted the Union. The adoption of the
tariff principles of the United States and the
tM-anrling of slavery as ‘piracy’ in our Southern
Government would be worse and more intolerable
than abolition domination in the old Union.
“We have contributed our might to liberate the
Southern State* and |>eopje from the blighting
influence ol Northern laws and sentiments. But
wliat have we gained by all our labors and perils
rt'<*ir new Southern Government is to retain tho
oppressions and stigmas upon tho. Southern peo
ple as in tho old Union ?
VI. Llubolit 6 Passage through KaiU
lu are.
The Baltimore American gives, on the authority
of Col. Kane, the Marshal of the Police of that city,
the following statement of the causes which in
duced Mr. Lincoln to hasten his passage through
Baltimore when ou his way to the seat of Govern
ment:
“It appear* that a few hundred men, particular
ly obnoxious to the people and public sentiment of
Baliimote, had determined to avad themselves of
the opportunity to use Mr. Lincoln, and to accom
pany him iu procession from the depot to his
hotel.
“They applied to Marshal Kane fi.r pi Meet ion
by the ]*>!ico. He advised against the proceeding,
assuring ihe parties that while Air. Lincoln, in hi*
passage through Baltimore, would be treated with
the lespect due to him personally and to his high
official position, there was no guarantee that the
proposed procession would Ire similarly respected,
lie thought, moreover, that the proceeding would
be calculated to place the people of Baltimore in
a false position, as neither they nor the citizens
of .Maryland sympathised with Mr. Lincoln’s po
litical view*. He advised, therefore, that the idea
of a pi occasion should be abandoned, lest if might
provoke some indignity which would involve the
character of Baltimore and be very unpleasant to
the I’resident elect.
“It appears, however that the parties insisted
on their programme, when Mr. Lincoln whs ad
vised ol the laet\and urged to pass immediately
through to Washington. Acting upon this sugges
(iou, he proceeded to Philadelphia in time for the j
night train from New Vork, and reached here at
6 o’clock A. M. Saturday.”
The American further says, on the same sub
ject :
‘ Marshal Kane informs ns that he did give the
information to Mr. f’orwin and other friends of
Mr. Lincoln, so that the change of route and in
cognito entrance to Washington was caused hy a
desire to escape from his pretended friends here,
aud thus prevent a breach of the peace that w ould
have been disgraceful to ifie city and derogatory
to American character. We do not believe there
was any inteution Iu assault or even insult the
President elect on the pail of any portion of our
coinmii'ii.y, but it i* a notorious fact that the lial
limore Republican cormn'ttee, who proceeded to
Harrisburg and declared their determination to
escort Mr. Lincoln to his quarters, would have
been assailed aud pelted with eggs, if not other
wise maltreated. This would have involved Mr.
Lincoln in the disturbance, and we cannot but
think that he acted wisely under the information
communicated by Col. Kane, in preventing the
possibility of such an occurrence as was feared by
our police authorities.”
Interior Porta ol l.niry.
The Savannah Republican copies the extract we
gave front a Montgomery letter, relative to the
abolition of interior ports of entry, and says:
“Mr. I'onh, Mr. Bartow, and Mr. Memcninger, are
wholly right, if such be their opinions. These
interior dryland port* of entry are wholly unnec
essary to the commerce of the country, and a
dead expense to the treasury, and created prima
rily, rather for the benefit of office seekers, than
of the people. They are, perhaps, a convenience
to a few importing merchants of the interior towns, !
but their benefits are wholly disproportioued to
the burdens they impose.
They operate, too, unjustly against the custom- j
house officials on the sea-board, who do ail the
work while others receive the pay. It is to be
hoped the Congress will abolish all such useless
appendages of our revenue system.”
The arguments against abolishing the port at
tins city are well set forth in the memorial of our
Merchants, which we published yesterday. If the
object of all government is the greatest good of
numocr, our new government, or its Cabinet offi
cers, in whose hands the matter is placed, will not
neglect the arguments brought forward against the
proposed measure. .Scarcely a Merchant in this
section will not be an importer hereafter, to some
extent, at least for some time to come, and their
convenience ought to be consulted, especially when
it does no harm to our seaports, lor to them, the <
““ r ’- “•■**.■* and paying out the duties can lie
of no great benefit. The saving or Interest on the
money advanced by the interior Merchant for du
ties and commissions on goods which he cannot
receive and place in the market, sometimes for
weeks after their arrival at a seaport, is no small
item in the saving of expense.— Attc/uxta Sentinel.
Keltiria ol llie I'oiiiuiiNi.loiierii—Serenade
and Speeches.
As soon a* it became known, yesterday even
ing. that. Kx-l’resident Tyler and Hon. James A.
Seddon hail returned from Washington, arrange
ments were made for gimin/f thorn a serenade ;
and accordingly, between eight and nine o’clock)
the First Regiment Band appeared in front of the
Exchange Hotel, where a crowd of thousands had
assembled, and played “Sweet Home,” and other
appropriate airs. Mr. Tyler, responding to the
call of the multitude, came forward and made a
speech, in which ho said their mission had resulted;
in nothing which could giv e any hope to the j
South. The report adopted by the Conference 1
was a miserable, rickety a Hair, which afforded no
guarantees of safety or security, and was not
worthy of acceptance.
Mr. Seddon next addressed the throng, He
gtve the report of the lVaee Conference a most
thorough sifting, and denounced it as a delusion j
and ;t sham—an insult and offence to the South.
Vet he thought it the Commissioners Imd been
more strongly backed up by public sentiment at
home —had there been exhibited a positive deter
mination to have ample security for the future or
secede at once—Virginia could have got all she
wanted.
Neither of the distinguished gentlemen entered
into a full exposition of their views, choosing,
properly, to reserve them for a more appropriate
oeca sion.— ltich m on and J)e*pa tch .
Thk Cauimt. —Major Miller, of the Milledgeville
Recorder , an old [ffditieal editor, and a shrewd
observer, speaks in high terms of Presipeut Davis’
Cabinet appointment*. Os Mr. Toombs he says :
We have long observed the course of Mr',
Toombs iu public life, and have known instances
wherein his advice, iu our judgment, partook more
ot passion than of soundness. The logic of bold
ness, however, seldom failed to extricate him from
embarrassment. This quality, united with his su
perior talents, may find occasions when its exer
cise will promote the ends of justice and subserve
the best interests of the country. So far as intel
lect may justify the parallel, we have no hesitancy
in saying that Mr. Toombs will grace the State
Department at Montgomery with a nearer ap
proach to Mr. Webster than any statesman that
could have been selected. In power of analysis
and cogency of reasoning they were not unlike, !
though we do not pretend to claim for Mr. Toombs
a rank equal to that of Mr. Webster, but only a
resemblance, which is no small credit. It is not j
impossible, however, that events mav arise to give
the Southern Secretary a fame in diplomatic dis
cussion not inferior to that which Mr. Webster ac
quired by his letter to Chevalier Hulseman, of
the Austrian Embassy.
The Tuscaloosa (Ala.) Monitor thus sums np its
objections *to the proceedings of the Alabama
State Convention and of the “Southern Congress”
at Montgomery :
“ We hold, first, that the ordinance of secession
should have been submitted to the people for their
ratification or rejection ; secondly, that the ordi
nances passed by the Convention should have
awaited the issue of this decision; thirdly that
the people had the right and it should have been i
given them, to have chosen the delegates to a Con-!
gress which was to have framed for them a gov-1
ernment for weal or for wo. And we now demand
that the Government formed—its President, Vice-
President, and officer*—should be submitted to
the |>eople for their approval or disapproval. If it
is not, we shall, come weal or wo, attempt to fire
the people’s heart, to educate the people’s mind to
know their rights and to dare maintain them. We
are no submissionist, hut right is right and wrong is
wrong, and we will not betray our trust. We as
sert that the people have a right to be heard, and,
being heard, to be obeyed. And we intend to
keep them posted in what we consider to be an
infringement ol their right* and of their privilege*,
let the worst come to the worst. If it is treason
against the new Confederacy, make the most of it.
We know we are right, and, untrammelled and un
awede, we will defend the right.”
pK.vriTLTtoN in Mississirn.—According to the
Springfield (Illinois) Journal, from which we quote ;
below, the people of Mississippi are in a famishing
condition. Says the Journal:
“ We have just had a conversation which Major
B. Hawkins, of Scott county, Mississippi, respect
ing the destitute condition of many of the people
in thi part of the State. He represents that in
the counties of Scott, Rankin, Smith, Jones, Jasp*r,
Newton and Nashoba, there are many of our fel
low-citizen* suffering tor want of corn, w heat, etc.
Major Hawkins is a venerable, sincere, truthful
man, and we place implicit confidence in what he
says. He is with us ou a mission of mercy, and
we trust that all men, regardless of party, will re
spond liberally to hia call for help for his people.’’
[rkotl THK RACO* TEUaktrU-l
INAUGURAL ADDliksS
O*
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Fellow Citizens of the t ttiled Stalest:
In compliance with a custom a* old as the gov
cinmen’ itself, l appear before you to address you
briefly and to take in your presence the oath pre
scribed by the constitution of the United States,
m be taken by the President before he enters ou
the execution of his office.
I do nut consider it necessary, at present, for
me to discuss those- matters of administrative pol
icy, about which there is no special anxiety or
excitement. Apnrehension-seems to exist among
the people of the United States, that by the occa
sion of a Republican administration, their prop
erty and their peace am! personal security are to
be endangered.
There has npvcr been any reasonable cause for
such apprehension. Indeed the most ample evi
deuce, to the contrary, has all the while existed
and been open to their inspection. It is found in
nearly nil the published speeches of him who now
addresses you. Ido Imt quote from one of these
speeches when I declare that I have no purpose
directly or indirectly to interfere w ith tho institu
tion of Slavery in the States whore it exists,
1 believe I have no lawful right to do so—and I
have no inclination to do so. Those who nomi
nate.i and elected me did so with full knowledge
that 1 had made this and many similar declara
tion* and had never recanted them. And more
than this—they placed in the platform for my ac
ceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me,
the clear and emphatic resolution which I now
read.
“Resole,<l, That the maintenance inviolate of
the rights of the States, and especially the right
of each State to order and control its dom'.Stic
institutions according to its own judgment ex
clusively, is essential to that balance of power in
which tiie perfection and endurance of our politi
cal fabric depend, and we denounce the lawless
invasion bv armed force ol the soil ol any State or
Territory, no matter under what pretext, as the
gravest ot crimes.”
I now reiterate these sentiments, and in doing
so, I only press upon public attention the most
conclusive evidence of which the case is suscepti
ble, that the property, peace and security of no
section are to be in any wise endangered by the
uow incoming administration. 1 add, too, that
all the piotection which, consistently with the Con
stitution Hod the laws, can be given, will be cheer
fully given to all the States when lawfully de
manded for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one
section as to another.
There is mnoli controversy about the delivering
up of fugitives from service or labor. The clause
I now read is as plainly written in the Constitu
tion as any other ol its provision.
“No person held to service or labor in one
State, under the laws thereof, escaping into an
other, shall, in consequence ol any law or regula
tion therein, be discharged from such service or
labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the
party to whom such service or labor may be due.”
It is scarcely questioned that this provision wa*
intended by ihose who made it, for the reclaiming
of fugitive slaves, and the intention of the law
| giver is the law. All members ol Congress swear
their support to tho whole constitution—to this
provision, then, that slaves whose case* come
within the terms of this duu.se shall be delivered
up, their oaths are unanimous.
Now, if they would make the effort in good
temper, could they not with equal unanimity
frame Mid pass u law Itv ijieitua of wind, to keep
good that unanimous oath ?
There i* some difference of opinion whether
thi* clause should be enforced by national or by
State authority ; but, surely, that difference i* not
a very material one. If tiie slave is to be surren
dered, it can pe of but little consequence to him
or to others, by which authority it is doue—and
should any one in any case be content that this
oath shall go unkept in a merely circumstantial
controversy as to how it shall he kept?
Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not
all the safegurds of liberty known in civilized and
human jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a
a free man bt* not in any case surrendered us a
slave? aim migiit if. not be well, at the same time,
to provide by law lor the enforcement of that
clause in the Constitution which guarantees that
the citizen of each State should be entitled to all
privileges and immunities of citizens iu the sev
eral States ?
I take the official oath to-day with no mental
reservations and with no purpose to construct the
constitution or laws by any hypocritical rules ;
and while 1 do not choose now to specify particu
lar acts of Congress as proper to tie enforced, 1 do
suggest that it w ill he safer for all, both iu official
*vwl pri rate 0..i I loi J.V, lIV tOJlfuilll to nud abide bv
all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to vio
late any ol them trusting to find impunity in hav
ing them held to be unconstitutional?
It is seventy-two years since the inauguration
of a President under our National Constitution.—
During that period, fifteen different and greatly
distinguished citizens have have, in succession,
administered the Executive branch of the Govern
ment. They have conducted it through many
perils, and generally with great success. Vet
with till this scope for precedent, t now enter up
on the same task for the brief constitutional term
of four years, under great and peculiar difficulty.
A disruption oi the Federal Inion, heretofore
only menaced, is now formidably asserted. I hold
that in contemplation of universal law and of the
Constitution, the Union of these States is perpet
ual. Perpetuity is implied, if not expressed, in
the fundamental law ol national governments. It
is sute to assert that no government proper ever
had a provision in its organic law for it* own ter
mination. A’onriuue to execute all the express
provisions of our national Constitution and the
Union w ill endure lorevcr—it being impossible to
destroy it, except by some action not provided lor
in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United States be iiot a govern
ment proper, hut an association ol’ States iu the
nature of a contract merely, can it, as a contract
be practically unmade by less than all the parties
who made it? One patty to a contract may vio
late it—break it, so to speak—but does it not re
quire all to lawfully rescind it?
Descending from these general principles, we
find the proposition that, in legal contemplation
the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history
of the Union itself. The Union is much older
than the Constitution. It was formed in fact by
the articles of association in 1774. It was ma
tured and continued by the declaration of Inde
pendence in 1776. It was further matured, and
the faith of the then thirteen States expressly
plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual,
by ilie Articles of Confederation in 1778, aud
finally in 1787, one of the declared objects for or
daining and establishing the Constitution, was to
form a more perfect Union.
But if destruction of the Uniou by one or lv a
part only of the States be lawfully possible, the
Union iH less perfect than before the Constitution,
having lost the vital perplexity. It follows from
these views that no Stale upon its own mere mo
tion can lawfully go out of the Union—that re
solves and ordimtnees to that effect are legally
void, and that acts of violence within any State
or States against the authority of the United
States, are insurrectionary or revolutionary ac
cording to circumstances.
1 therefore consider that in view of the Consti
tution ami the laws, the Union is unbroken and to
the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the
Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that
the laws of the Inion be faithfully executed in all
the Stales. Doing this I deem to he only a sim
ple duty on my part and 1 shall perform it, so far
as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the
American people, shall withhold trie requisite
means, or in some authoritative manner direct the
contrary.
I trust this will not he regarded as a menace,
but only as the declared purpose of the Union that
it will Constitutionally defend and maintain itself,
iu doing this there need be no bloodshed or vio
lence, and there shall be none, unless it be forced
upon the national authority. The power confided ;
to tne will be used to hold, occupy and possess the !
property and place* belonging to the government,
and to collect the duties and imports; but beyond
what may be necessary for these objects, theie
will be no invasion—no using of force against or
among the people any where. Where hos ility to
the United States iu any interior locality shall be
?o great and so universal as to prevent competent
resident citizens from holding the federal offices,
there will be no attempt to force obnoxious stran
gers among the people for that object. While the
strict legal right may exist in the Government to
enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt
to do so would be so irritating and so nearly im
practioaLU withal, that 1 deem it belter to forego,
for ihe time, the use of such offices.
The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be
furnished in nil parts of the Union. So far as pos
sible the people everywhere shall have that sense
ot perfect security which is most favorable to calm
thought and reflection.
The course here indicated will be followed unless
current events and experience shall show a modifi
cation or change to be proper, and in every case
and exigency, my best discretion, will be exercised
according to circumstances actually existing, and
with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of
the Matloti&l trouble* anrt the restoration of Iraler
iiril svmp allies amt ittt^dii>ii.
Tiui there ait 1 pt*i 01..1 in one section or another
wbe seek to destroy the Union at all events, and
are {'lad of any pieteict to do it, I will neither af
tii m nor deny ; but if there be such, I need address
no word to them. To those, however, who really i
love the Union may 1 not speak ? Before entering
uiion so grave a matter as the destruction of our
national fabric with all its benefits—its memories— i
its hopes—would it not be wise to assertain pro- :
cutely why we do it? Will you buzzard so des
perate a step while there is any possibility that any
portion of the ills you fly from have no real exis
tence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to
are greater than all the real ones you fly from ?
Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mis
take ?
All profess to be content in the Union if all Con
stitutional rights can be maintained. Is it true,
then, than any right plainly written in the Consti
tution has been denied? I think not. Happily
the hitman mind is so constituted that, no party
can reach to the audacity of doing thi-*. Think,
it you can, of a single instance in which a plainly
written provision of the Constitution has ever
been denied ?
If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority
should deprive a minority of any clearly w ritten
constitutional right, it might, in a moral point of
view, justify revolution. It certainly would, if
such a right were a vital one. But such is irot
our case. All the vital rights of minorities and
of individuals are so plainly assured to them by
affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohi
bitions in the Constitution, that controversies nev
er arise concerning them. But no organic law
can ever be framed with a provision specially ap
plicable to every question which may occur in
practical administration.
| No foresight can anticipate, nor any document
of reasonable length contain, express provisions
for nil possible questions. Shall fugitives front la
bor be surrendered by national or by State autho
rity ? The Constitution does not expressly say.
Must Congress protect'slavery in the Territories?
; The Constitution does not expressly say. From
questions of this class spiing all our Constitutional
controversies and we divide upon them into inajo
j ritles and minorities.
| It’ the minority will not acquiesce, the majority
’ must, or the Government must close. There is no
other alternative for continuing the Government
j than acquiescence on one side or the other. If a
minority in such a. case will secede rather than ac
. quiesce, they make a precedent which in time will
’ divide and ruin them ; for a icinority of their own
j will secede from them whenever a majority refuses
jto be controlled by such minority. For instance,
why may not any portion of anew confederacy, a
! year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, pre
i cisely as portions of the present Union claim to
1 secede front it?
All who cherish in this Union such sentiments
are now being educated to the exact temper of
doing this. Is there such perfect identity of inter
: est among the States which compose the new Union
as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed
secession ? Plainly the central idea of secession
is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in
restraint by Constitutional checks and limitations,
and always changing easily with deliberate changes
of popular opinions and sentiments, is tiie only
true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects
it, does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to des
potism.
Unanimity is impre-l.ie. Th* rule of a minority
as a permanent arrangement is wholly inadmissible;
i so that reject ug tin- majority principle, anarchy or
1 despotism in -ome fin:, it all that, is left. Ido
J not forget thr positl-ui ■ ‘-unied by some, that con
stitutional questions aie t l.e decided by the Su
j pro me Court ; .iu. do i iy that such decisions
| must be binding in any ease upon the parties to a
: suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are
I also entitled to very high respect and coneidera-
I tion in all parallel cases by all other departments
’ of the tioremiueiit; and while it is obviously pos
sible that such a decision may be erroneous in any
given case, still the evil effect following it being
limited to that particular case, with the chance
that it may be overruled and never become a pre
cedent for other cases, can better be borne than
could the evils of a different practice.
At the same time the candid citizen must confess
that if the policy of the Government upon vital
questions affecting the whole people is to be irre
vocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court,
the instant they are made in ordinary litigation
between parties in personal actions, the people will
have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that
extent practically resigned their government into
the hands of that eminent tribunal.
Xor is there, in this view, any assault upon the
Court or Judges. It is a duty from which they
may not shrink to decide cases properly brought
before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others
seek to turn their decisions to political purposes.
One section of our country believes sluverv is
rif-l.t anti to bo extended, white liie oilier
believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended.
1 his is the substantial dispute. The fugitive slave
clause ol the Censtitution and the law lor the sup
pression of the foreign slave trade, are each as
well enforced perhaps as any law can ever be in a
community where tin* moral of the people
imperfectly supports the law its* If.
The great body of the people abide by the plain
legal obligation in both cases and a few break over
in each. I think it cannot he perfectly cured and
it would be worse in both cases after the separa
tion ol the Motions than before. The foreign
slave trade now imperfectly suppressed, would be
ultimately revived without restriction in one sec
tion, while fugitive slaves, now only partially sur
rendered would not be surrendered at all by the
other.
Physically speaking, we cannot separate—we
cannot remove our respective sections from each
other—nor build an impassable wall between them.
A husband and wife may be divorced and go out
of the presence and beyond the reach of each
other, but the different parts of our country can
not do this—they cannot but remain face to face,
and intercourse either amicable or hostile must
continue between them. Is it possible, then, to
make that intercourse more advantageous or more
satisfactory after separation than before? Can
aliens make treaties easier than friends ? Can laws
—can'treaties t*e more faithfully enforced between
aliens than among friends? Suppose you goto war
you cannot fight always, and when, after much
loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you cease
fighting, the identical old questions as to terms of
intercourse are again upon you.
This country with its institutions, belongs to the
people who inhabit it. \V henever they shall grow
weary of the existing government, they can exer
cise their constitutional right of amending it, or
their revolutionary right to dismember or over
throw it.
1 cannot be ignorant, of the fact that many wor
thy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the
National Constitution amended. While I make
no recommendation of amendment I fully recognize
the rightful authority of the people over the whole
subject, to be exercised in either of the modes pre
scribed in the instrument itself; and I should, un
der existing circumstances, favor, rather than op
pose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people
to act upon it.
I will venture to add that to me the convention
mode seems preferable, i?t that it allows amend
inents to originate with the people themselves, in
stead ol perm ting thi-i to ; 1 ; or reject propo
sitions original f.-d by others rot especially chosen
for the purpose, anti win iglit net be precisely
such as they would wistt t cither accept or refuse.
1 understand a proposed amendment to the
! Constitution, which amendment, however, I have
• llot Beei, i has passed Congress, to the effect that
i the Federal Government shall never interfere with |
j the domestic institutions of the States, including
that of persons held to service. To avoid tniicon
struction ot what 1 have said, I depart from mv
’ purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so
: tar as to say that holding such a provision to now
be implied constitutional law, I have no objection
to its being made express and irrevocable.
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority
from the people und they have conferred none up
on him to fix terms for the separation of the States.
The people themselves can do this also, if they
| choose, but the executive, as such, has nothing to
ido with it. His duty is to administer the present
1 government as it came to his hands, and to trans
mit it unimpaired by him to his successor.
\\ iiy should there not be a patient confidence
in the ultimate Justice of the People? Is there
any better or equal hope in the world? In our
present differences, is either party without faith of
being in the right ? If the Almighty Hitler of na
tions, with His eternal truth anil justice boon your
side of the north, or on yours ol the south, that
I ruth and that Justice will surely prevail by the
judgment ot this great tribunal—the American
People.
By the frame of Government under which we
live, this same people have wisely given their pub
lic servants but little power for mischief, aud have
with equal wisdom provided for the return of that
little to their own hands, at very short intervals.
While the people retain their virtue and vigilance,
no administration, by any extreme ol wickedness
or folly, can very seriously injure the government
in the short space of four year 9.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and
well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable
can be lost by taking time. If there be an object
to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step which
you would never take deliberately, that object will
be frustrated by taking time, but no good object
can be frustrated by it.
; Bach of you as are tow dt c-a’i-ified still have the
o.d Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive
point, the laws of tour own framing, and upon
which the new administration will have no imme
diate power, if it should change either.
! If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied,
hold the right side in the dispute, there still is
no good reason for precipitate action. Intelli
gence, patriotism, Christianity and a firm reliance
on Him who has never yet forsaken this favored
land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way,
all out present difficulties
In your hands, my dissatisfied friends and coun
trymen, and not in mine, i3 the mo'rneiuoiis issue
of civil war. The government will not assail you
—von can have no conflict without being your
selves the aggressors. You have no oath regis
tered in heaven to destroy the government, while 1
shall have the most solemn one “to preserve, pro
tect and defend” it.
lam loth tot-lose. We are not enemies hut
friends. We must not be enemies. Though pas
sion may have strained, it must not break our
bonds of affection. The mystic chain of memory,
stretching from every battle field ai*d patriot grave,
to every living heart and hearthstone all over this
broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union,
when again touched, as surely it will he, by the
better angels of ottr nature.
MACON COMMERCE.
It will be seen by the following extract front
the proceedings of Congress, that our immediate
and able Representative is caring well for the com
mercial status of the central emporium of the
South :
Mr. Niscf.t, of Georgia.—l hold in my band,
Mr. President, a memorial from the Chamber of
Commerce of the citv of Macon, the [dace of my
residence, winch I beg leave to offer to the con
sideration of the Committee on Commerce. I de
sire before presenting it to make a few remarks as
to its object. It was known to some of you that
there was held during the past year a Fair in the
city of Macon, which was numerously attended.—
It was the Cotton Planter’s Fair. Its object was
to invite the co-operation of foreign capitalists in
the business of inaugurating direct trade with the
nations of Europe. It was only partially success
ful, on account of some disasters against w hich
the committee having the Fair in charge could
not prevail. These memorialists, in endeavoring
to carry out the objects of the Fair, ask that the
j city ot Macon be made a port of entry and deliv
ery. There are some advantages in making it
such. For example—it occupies, geographically,
the centre of the State of Georgia, which our sis
ter States have been pleased to term “the Empire
State of the South.” It is near the border ot the
cotton growing region of the State. It contains
a population of eight or ten thousand, amongst
whom are men of enterprise and wealth, and mer
chants diligent and successful in the pursuit of
their vocation. In addition to this, it is connect
ed with the sea-board by the great Central Rail
road—it is at the bead of navigation on the <>c
mulgee, and in direct communication by railroad
with the north and west. There is, however, one
single thought which may commend itself to the
consideration of the committee on Commerce.—
It is knowu to all of us that the ports on our
Southern coast are subject to the scourge of yel
low fever and ocher autumnal fevers and epidem
ics, which have in years past affected the cities of
Charleston, Savannah aud New Orleans ; and on
that account, have prevented the accumulation in
those ei'i< -• o importing capital to the extent we
should o.: - have witnessed. From such fe
vers and e; mios the city of Macon is happily
exempt. For tuis reason alone ii would invite
capital for .importations to a much greater extent
than the other cities likely to be assailed by pes
tilences. It is the opinion, Mr. President, of
these memorialists that if the Congress of the
Confederate States of America should establish
the city of Macon a port of entry anu delivery,
they would thereby greatly enhance the revenues
of the Confederacy. With these remarks 1 re
quest that the memorial be referred to the Com
mittee on Commerce.
£gY""The Tuseumbia North Alabamian, in its
number of the 2dd instant, given the following
spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing in that quarter
with the proeee.dings of the Montgomery Southern
Congress :
There has been a manifest distrust or disregard
of the popular sentiment by the leading politicians
of Alabama, ill withholding the secession ordi
nance from a vote of the people ; and the tenden
cy still is, if we are not mistaken in the move
ments of the political chess-board leaders, to
remove still further all power from the immediate
action of the people. Whaq voice had they in
electing members to the Congress now- in session
at Montgomery? And what voice, kind reader,
do you think you will have in ratifying the Con
stitution which that Congress has adopted? B?
what authority have a President and Vice Presi
dent been elected to the Confederate States of
America ? When you elected jour members to a
State Convention, did you authorize a bare major
ity of that body to elect members to a Congress to
form anew Government, and authorize still far
ther the members of that Congress to elect a
President, a Vice President, and other officials?
These are questions for your serious considera
tion.”
The Cabinet.
Elsewhere in this paper, says the Columbus En~
i/uirer , may be found the appointments of Presi
dent Davis completing his Cabinet. It is objec- ■
tionable on the score of its exclusive party char- j
acter. Every member of the Cabinet, we believe,
was a Breckinridge Democrat and an original
secessionist. The Bell and Douglas men have
been entirely excluded from a share in the admin
istration of the new- government. Even such men
as Geo. W. Crawford of Ga., and Thos. H. Watts
of Ala., who supported Bell but sustained secession
as soon as it w-as made an issue, are passed by, and
politicians of less ability and influence with the
people selected. Presenting, as the Bell and Doug
las men did, such fine material for Cabinet appoint
ments, their total exclusion cannot be regarded
otherwise than as proscription on account of their
course previous to the secession issue. The new
government, we believe, has made a great error
by this exclusive promotion of a particular party
—a party that was in a minority in two of the
seceding States. It has, however, several very
excellent and able men in its administrative de
partments and we may yet hope from them a re
pudiation of the partisanship that appears to have
influenced their own selection. Such men are
Hou. C. G. Memminger of S. C., and Hon. L. P.
Walker of Ala., gentlemen who have ever exhibi
ted an independence of party in emergencies re
quiring devotion to their country alone.
Georgia u: vRy Institute.— The following
named gen tie n have been appointed by His
Excellency th Governor, a Board of Inspectors
for the Georgia Military Institute at Marietta un
der the provisions of the act of 17th December,
18il0:
Hon. David Irwin, Gen. A. J. Hatisell,
Col. Witt. Phillips, Col. Wlll. S. Rockwell,
Gen. G. P. Harrison, Hon. A. H. Colquitt,
lion. L. VV. Crook, Col. J. M. Smytbe,
Hon. Jared I. Whitaker, Maj. M. D. Huson.
[.l/ itlcJi/eville Jiecortier.
Wliat Major Anderson Mayw.
Washington, March Ist, 1801.
The War Department to-day received despatches
from Major Anderson, in which he flatly contracts
the absurd report started by a Charleston paper,
to the effect that be was ill. He declares that he
never was in better health and professes to be
ready for any emergency that may arise. Speak
ing of the battery on the sandhills of Cumming’s
Point, he says that the work is still rapidly pro.
grossing, but that when the occasion requires it,
he can, in a very few minutes, with his heavy guns,
Sweep away the bomb-proof battery on the Point.
They say they have adopted whisky a9
their National Confederated Drink in the Southern
Republic. —JVaskviUe I‘atriot.
On the contrary, they have admitted everything
but whisky, which we import largely from Tennes
see, duty free. We congratulate the Patriot on
the prospect of cheap whisky at home, in conse
quence of a tax of 33 per cent, imposed on it here.
Some of our more impatient secessionists are in
sisting that the people of Tennessee have nospirit,
but we think that hereafter they will have plenty.
—Colmnhtis Enquirer.
Carter9ville Express cornea to ua much
enlarged and improved.
MACON, GEORGIA:
Wednesday, March 6, 1861.
cOX t O V MARKET.
The market remains about the same as last wee!
There is a ready sale for all fair qualities offered
at lo to 10* cents. Other grades, according to
quality.
MR LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS
To the exclusion of other matter we hasten
lay this document before our readers. We have
neither lime, space or inclination to criticise it _
It will be .een that he assumes clearlv anld;..
tinctiv the position of the late administration, and
reiterates the doct.-ines enunciated in Mr.
anan'.s Message upon Federal Relations. Unless
an extra session of Congress is promptly conven
ed, and relieves, by immediate legislation the
President irom what he deems a solemn duty
the enforcement of the laws—we see not how w,t
can lie prevented, (he extent and duration of
which no one can predict. Indeed, we much fear
that a collision will take place before Congress
could assemble.
THE SUPERIOR COURT,
Os Monroe county, which was opened on Mon
day of last week, we understand, has been adjourn
ed to the first Monday in June, in consequence of
the indisposition of4ude Floyd, and other prov
idenlial causes.
The Superior Court in Crawford county, which
should have been held this week, has also been
adjourned by Judge Lamar, to the second Monday
in May, in consequence of the illness of a lead
ing member of the bar of that county.
ELECTIONS.
It is supposed that North Carolina has gone
against holding a State Convention, by a small
majority. Arkansas will hold one, it is thought,
with a majority of its delegates against uncondi
tional secession. A large majority of the Missouri
Convention is against secession.
The Peace Conference at Washington terminated
its labors on Wednesday last. It adopted a series
of proposed amendments to the Constitution ; the
one upon slavery being substantially the old Mis
souri Compromise. Even this was rejected by
Congress, and Mr. Cor win’s proposition, guaran
teeing merely the protection of slavery in the
States was adopted on Saturday last. .
ESF” The able aud dignified speech of Senator
Davis on retiring from the L T . S. Senate, will be
; found on the first page of our paper to day.
CRIMINATIONS.
We regret exceedingly to observe that certain
editors and their correspondents are incessantly
• ngaged in stirring up bad feeling between the
citizens of the old and new Confederacy. Espe
; daily is the spirit of crimination and re-crimination
indulged in between the seceded and border slave
| States which still remain in the old Union, much to
jj be deplored. Unless this feeling is checked, it
j) will lead to the most unhappy consequences.—
Every consideration should cause us to cultivate
friendly relations with our immediate neighbors.
HOME ENTERPRISE-
Now is the time to excite aud encourage all
kinds of home industry aud enterprise. Last week
i we happened to step into the establishment ot
Messrs. Schofield A Bro., and found them indus
triously engaged in manufacturing Steam Engines
of small size for ginning cotton, sawing lud her,
grinding, &e., as well as many other articles. An
engine just completed for South-western Georgia,
struck us, being a beautiful specimen of workman
> ship, with very appropriate devices.
These gentlemen, have, l>v their own unaided
: exertions, built up a very flourishing business,
which we hope to see very considerably increased,
i See their advertisement.
RECONSTRUCTION-
We appreciate the feelings of those who fondly
cling to the hope, however vain, that the dissev
ered Union may again be restored. We entertain
no such hope. “ Broken is the goblet, wasted the
wine.” For some wise, perhaps beuelieeut pur
pose, God has suffered us to be broken iu pieces
like a potter's vessel— the end thereof no man
knoweth. We evidently should not waste our
breath and strength in unavailing regrets, but
rouse ourselrps to grapple with the new duties and
responsibilities that are upon us. A herculean
task is before us, let us meet it like men. If in
the hidden and uncertain future the good Provi
dence of God should remove the scales from the
i eyes of our quondam brethren, so that they shall
j not look upon us all as deluded sinners, unworthy
; of religious and political fellowship as equals, wc
! may again be united under a common flag, and
1 work out a common destiny. We confess, how
| ever, that the utmost we now hope for, is to be
■ permitted to depart in peace and live undisturbed
in the enjoyment of such blessings, or the endure
nient of such chastisements as Heaven may lay
upon us.
THU CAPITOL.
The Montgomery correspondent of the Colum
bus Times , says : ••
It is not probable that Montgomery will be se
lected as the permanent Capitol. The high board
and rather poor fair have turned the scale against
her. Atlanta, Macon, Columbus, or some other
central spot will be looked to.
The poor fair would certainly be an objectiona
ble feature in the eyes of some persons ; but high
rent would doubtless be more so by those who
have to foot the bills. Speaking of the President’s
house, the same writer says :
A house has been rented for him for the period
of one year at the sum of $5,000, in a convcuient
part of the city. The Vice President, Mr. Steph
ens, and the Secretary of State, Mr. Toombs, have
rooms together iu a small, pretty home, a few
blocks from the Exchange. They are the great
men, to whose advice and council, much weight is
attached in the present crisis.
DEATH’S DOINGS.’
One of the oldest and most respectable citizens
of Thomas County, Thomas G. Mitchell, says the
Enterprise , died on the 22d inst., at the age of
sixty-seven years. Ife had been an invalid for
several years, and only recently returned front
Tennessee, where he had been in hope of improv
ing his health. Mr. Mitchell lived a Unlversalist
to within a few days of his death when he was
converted to the orthodox faith, and to the great
joy of his family renounced Universalism and em
braced true Christianity. A few hours after his
death he was followed to eternity ami the grave
by an elder sister, Mrs. Ann Blaek.shear, a lady
like himself, lamented for those sterling virtues
that never fail to give their possessor a home in
onr affections.
We learn, also, that Col. William 11. Reynolds,
another of our most valuable citizens, died ou
Monday morning the 26th inst., at his residence
near Duncanville. Col. Reynolds was a gentle
man of regular habits, rigid consistency and high
accomplishments. His death is a serious loss to
the county, and will be lamented by hundreds who
knew him in life.
Many persons in this vicinity will mingle their
regrets with those of our Thomasville friends, at
the death of the above named persons, and par
ticularly Mr. Keyuolds, who formerly resided in
this city.
Reward of Merit.—Hon. C. G. Memminger, ot
South Carolina, lately appointed Secretary of the
Treasury, of the new Republic, is a native of Switz
erland. He started in the world an orphan boy
educated in the Orphan School in Charleston
without friends or the paraphernalia of wealth, but
by dint of his own energy and great talent he h*a
inscribed his name high on the tablet of fatoe*