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-A fri ra, an 1 nrianv in Europe, _ j
Neither wV "'t be denied, I pre
sume, that there are other mtionn,
amonp whom there has been snrh
a diffusion of knowledge, particu
larly as it respects their rights and
liberties, as to admit of a milder
rovernment—limited monarev.—
The molt enlightened nations of
Europe, (other circumstances con
curring) are in a situation to en
joy this kind of government. For
instance, Great Britain *. which
actually does enjoy it; and per
haps several other nations of Eu
rope are equally qualified. But
it is denied by many, (not enlight
ened philosopherv, indeed) that
ants nation is now, or will ever be
capable of governing itself, per
manently, by » representative de
mocracy. It is in vain to tell
them that experience, as upon
other occasions, is the surest test
of truth, a id to point out to them,
which by the bye, they cannot
avoid seeing, unless welfully blind,
our own happy representative de
mocracy, now “ in the full tide of
successful experiment.” They
will answer as has been answered
three thousand years ago, and for
ought I know, will be answered
three thousand years hence, by a
prediction—that such a state of
things will not last always. Now
as the period for verifying this
prediction, like the mission of the
Jewish Ma&siah is always ap
proaching but never arrives, the
argument must stop here • for who
will attempt to disprove a predic
tion, which allows eternity for it*
accomplishment ? Yet notwith*
standing this denial of the practi*
cability and permanence of repre
sentative democracies, I shall not
resist the evidence at present be
fore me, that I actually reside un
der such a government. After
making these distinctions, I pro
ceed to observe that the seventeen
states of North America, called
the U. Statt enjoy the best of
all governments, a representative
democracy ; one or two in Eu
rope, the next hest, a limited mo
narchy ; and, that the rest of man
kind, who live under any regular
government, arc subjected to the
worst of all—despotism. It seems
to he acknowledged by most of
those, whose opinions aic entitled
to any respect, that a representa
tive democracy ensures a greater
portion of happiness to a larger
number of individuals than the
hest constituted limited monarchy.
But from the doubts which con
tinue to he en r .named, of the
practicability sinj permanence of
such governments—-from the an
archy incident to ancient irpub
lies, and the more recent example
of France many’ very well mean
ing and intelligent men, the friends
of human happiness, believe that
a limited mouarev is the heat safe
guard against the miseries of des
potism, as well as the disorders
of republicanism, {which generally
terminate in tyranny. J his opin
ion, however erroneous, is enter
tained by a very respectable por
tion of civilized society. A ma
jority, perhaps, counting numbers,
are in lavor of a representative de
mocracy. Some few, abandoned
of God and man, with cool deli
berate villainy, advocate the cause
of despotism. Crowds follow
through venality or timidity.—
'I his class, therefore, is nume
rous, but base. It is thus that
parties scorn to he divided in every
civilized nation of ihc raith. At
the commencement of the French
revolution, it is believed, that a
great majority of the thinking putt
of the nation were in favor of lim
ited monarchy. The advocates of
despotism wetc those only who
wcic immediately interested in us
continuance —the king, the nubi- >
lit), and the clerg}. Even many
of these too, virtuous and great
1 men, joimd either the mild mon- .
archists, or the rigid republicans.
So that many nobles uud ccclosi- i
aslics, as well as philosopher.-, and I
1 actions zealots, wtie m lavor, j
iroiu Uic beginning, of establish,
ing a representative democracy,
on the rums ol the old motuitcl.y,
liut, as just metmontd, limited
monarchy appears to have been
ttie wish of the nation. it was
theicloic established b. the cou
fctuuuog Assembly ol ljryj,
and 17i2’ 11. pp) l.au wot been
I
the last, ns it was the first era of
the French revolution. Two caus
es produced the destruction of this
constitution, *nd th«* shocking
scenes of violence, anarchy and
bloodshed which ensued ; the in
sinreri'y and flight of the king,
tnd the insulting manifestoes and
actual invasion of France by the
combined powers. It was evident
that Louis XVI would not be
faithful to the constitution, nor
exercise the powers with which it
had invested him, for the defence
of the nation. Under the pres
sure of existing circumstances it
therefore became necessary tode
pose the king and »*lcct another, or
to abolish the office and alter the
constitution. Many enlightrned
fi isnds of lihTty were for the first
measure j but their adversaries
prevailed. This change was pre
mature ; it was a kind of govern
ment for which the French were
evidently unfit. It is never poli
tic to establish the simplest forms
of government upon the ruins of
the most tyrannical. It requires
a generation or two to clear away
the rubbish of prejudice and vi
cious habits, home middle course
is best ; for, as it is observed by
an elegant historian, “ among the
many ills orginating from, or in
herent in slavery, it renders its
victims long unfit for the enjoy
ment of the very blessings they
have panted alter.” This state
of things therefore could not be
permanent. Accordingly a. gov*
erument was organized by the con
vention, upon the more complex
principle of checks and balance,
with a splendid and energetic exe
cutive. But the new born French
citizen had not as yet arrived to
u sufficient maturity of age, and
stability of principle, to w alk with
out the leading strings and cor
rective arm of a much stronger
authority than was conferred up
on, or imposed by the executive
directory, and the two councils
of ancients and of five hundred.
1 his government was eminently
detective ; and lost all the con
quests achieved by the unexam
pled enthusiasm, which the na
tional convention, and their com
muteea of public safety, infused
into the republican soldiery. Per
haps thi* i» no weak argument
in ta\our of a numerous execu
tive, in opposition to the receiveJ
opinion, that to ensure secrecy
and dispatch, it is necessary that
the executive especially in times
of war lare, should be composed of
a single individual, or at least a
small number. Dissensions and
factions in the cabinet and coun
cils, and bribery and corruption
among the ministers and generals I
produced repeated disasters and I
continued defeats among the na
tional troops. France was at this
time engaged m a detryctive war
with almost all Europe, and a part
of Asia and Africa. The govern,
nn nt was despised by th« gencr.
a!*, w ho in their turn lost the con.
fidence of their armies ; and the
coalition of despots seemed o n ce
more about to subjugate the re
public, or deprive lier of her f a j r .
ist piovinces. More energetic
and united councils or a ch.inre
in the government was called for.
Ihe first seemed unattainable ;
the second was contemplated, on
' dcr the auspices of Moicau, & by
him reject* cl. At this critical pe
riod Bonaparte arrived from E
g\pt, and usuiped the govern
nunt of France from the feeble
hanus oi ihc Diiectoix, almost
without a struggle. VY e have thus
seen the l rcnt h attempt to mould
dow n an absolute despotism into
a limited mouarcay ; we have
keen them foiled in the attempt
by the perfidy of the man whom
they had permittd to it main then
chit I executive heieditaiy magis
tiHte, and by the atrocious policy
ol the surrounding kings ; we have
seen the disordcis which ensued,
• upon the disolution of this gov
ernment, among a people “ madt
j mad by oppression, and urin k
I wnh the acquisition ol new born
1 power t ’ w t luve seen their disor
tiers imper kctlv corrected by “ ex
periments liasli.y begotten m the
bosom of- tempests and lastly,
we have seen these tempests lulled
at tlu irresrvtable mandate iff a mil
uuiy adventurer! ***** ’|q,j s
usurpation must b v permit tea t>\
the l lentil nation from one, or the
I ot, -er of these causes, p>st, an at. j
1
tnal inability to rc>i-t the military
force at the disposal of the usurp
er ; or, second, a desire to re-c-taii.
I<h the ancient derfxititni ; or,
third, and las!, a nation <i iangonr,
a kind of tf*liuui, a «i*i» for repo«e,
afu r the gigantic struggles of li»e
revolutionary contest. The first
j supposition cannot be admitted.
5 “However indisposed th* French
i nation may, tit present, be, to go
I into Miih an extreme, they certain
ly are not unable, iitstuntaneoudt
to crush the power of Bonaparte.
The throne of Louis XVI himself
the successor of sixtv-eiglit kings,
supported by the veneration of
fourteen centuries ; by the most
numerous, opulent, and enthusias
tic nobility in Furope, and bv large
bodies of devoted mercenaries and
loval troops: yet when the nation
stilled it, Louis tumbled from his
height of power. Bonaparte is an
upstart foreigner, whose reign has
just commenced, the founder of
his otvn dvna-tv ; unsupported by,
or allied to, any respectable class
of ancient nobility ; and although
in point of aulitarv force he exceeds
any of the former itionarclis of
France, yet iftiie nation willed it,
Napoleon would share a similar fate
to that of Louis; or a man who
more resetnbh s him, Robespierre.
It may therefore be concluded that
the present order of things is not
permitted in France from any inabi
lity in the nation, to resist the pow
er of Bonaparte.
Docs it then proceed;; in the se
cond place,from ftieir desire to re
establish despotism ? 'Fins desire
diJ not manifest itself at the forma*
1 tion olthe First constitution ; for
it Was professedly Instituted, to li
mit and restrain that despotism;
Nor was it at the decapitation of
Louis XVI j for then the monar
chy was changed into a republic.
If such then was ever the latent
wish of the nation, it would have
exhibited itself at some period of
defeat, disaster, or weakness of the
republican government; but the na
tional spirit never seemed to be
roused so high, as when the repub
lic was in danger. When the Duke
of Biunswick invaded France, aud
during the war oi La Vendee, when
the French royalists had actually
defeated the republican generals in
many pitched battles, and conquer
ed or occupied many departments,
upon the supposition that the nati
on had had any hankering for its
first love of despotism, the dormant
desire would have been awakened
into action, and the Bourbons re
stored. But the republican spirit
was never more aident than at
these periods. This wish then can
only be supposed to have manifest
ed itself, at the present epoch, when
I Bonaparte lias assumed the imperi
al purple. Tim event, however,
appears to have been effected more
by internal apathy, the consequence
of wearisome struggles, than any
cordial acquiescence of the French
nation. Ihe jealousy and animos
ity of the neignbormg nations, the
dread of internal commotions, wttn
a sense, under such circumstances,
of the ncccssiiy of a strong, mili
taiy government—i hese causes
have elevated Bonaparte ; Sc when
these causes cease to exist, royal
tv, tn France, will make its quiet
exit, along with tin nr.—Opinions,
feelings ami passions operate the
same upon thirty millions of indi
viduals, as they do upon one, and
according to every law, by which
opinions, feelings or passions are
associated together, a returning
fondues* for despotism would have
been connected with a renewed
idolatry towards the Capets. Ex
perience, in aid ol theory coofiim*
this truth. When the death of
Oliver Cromwell and the imbecel- i
»ty oi his sen Richard, awakened
the royalists of England to a sense
of their strength, the re-establish
ment of kingly government prudu- /
ced the re-establishment of th c j
Stuarts.
A party in this country, who,
under the appellation of a strong
government, aitau a limited mon
archy, always connect their w ishes
upon this subject, with the forms j
and principles of the British con- ;
stuuiion. From the many ex- |
celkut opportunities which the
Freuch neglected of restoring dis
potisin, as well as from the couse*
quence which would have resulted
had such been thc national wish,
it may not then be absurd to con
clude that the usurpation of Bona
parte does not proceed from an
inclination to re-establish despo
tism. But it bean stated that
one or the other of three cause*,
induces the French to submit to
the power of Bonaparte. And I
have endeavored to shew that it is
neither the first, nor second. It
follows then that it must be the
third ; a sense of the necrssitv of
a temporary government ; Lorn
the emnitv of sm rounding status,
ind the as yet unsettled state of
the interior revolutionary ferment;
a national langour, a kind of tedi
um, a wish lor rtpose after the
gigantic struggles of the revoluti
onary contest. Th<%nation sleeps
so indiv after its Herculean ef
forts ; Bonaparte alone watches at
hi* post. He has connected the
greatness of France with his own
usurpation ; but it must be con
fessed that uuder his auspices, the
nation h.»s arrived to an unexam
pled pitch of power and prosperi
ty. While secure in their mighty
resources against all external at
tack, and by the strength and vi
gilance of the government, from
proscription and bloodshed, the
effects of internal commotions, the
nation appears to have sunk into
a lethargy, which does not maik,
or is indifferent to the means by
which their great chief has acqui
red ihese blessings for them. Pro
vided (he bloody rage of faction is
chastised, and ranquiliiy resto
red, they seen .o give themselves
no trouble to enquire whether Bo
naparte has modified the govern
ment, according to his own whim,
or their permanent happiness. The
consul, taking advantage of these
circumstances, has endeavored to
render hereditary, in his family,
and permanent to the nation, that
power, and those cautionary iegu
lotions which were intended to be
temporary ; and he has bribed or
overawed the constituted autho
rities to legalize and sanction his
usurpation. Toojustly disgusted
with revolutions, the French view
their present state of things, al
though it has been unexpectedly
stolen upon them, as a smaller
evil than a recurrence to, and a re
newal of those scenes ol horror
ftom which they have been so
lately respited. Dazzled by the
splendour of Bonaparte’s almost
unrivalled achievements, his gov
ernment, perhaps, is viewed with
complacency if the forms bv which
he rules are not admired. But
heroes of Morengo and Aboukir,
are not hereditary ; and when Bo
naparte shall have ended hi 3 mor
tal career by the hand of violence
or of nature, his imperial institu
tions will crumble into insignifi.
cance, faster than his body into
dust. The forms of the republic
wdl be restored, and profiting by
past experience, it will be “ organ
ized in tranquility.’’ This view,
which I so saogumely indulge, is
infinitely consoling to the friend
ol humanity. it holds out the
prospect of a bloodless change.—
Reforms ate always desirable ; re
volutions evertube dreaded In
such an event the passions of ci
vilized society will not again be
enlisted, on the side of tyrants,
the nation will be completely pre
pared lor the peaceful triumph ol
principle ; and the surrounding
states of Europe, warned by woe
ful experience, will not feel incli
nation or interest in coalescing to
restore an upstart emperor, or a
mushroom legion of nonor. Thc
change from imperial to republi-
I can France, will not be sudden or
bloody, but gradual 6l peaceable ;
not a mobhisn revolution, but a
philosophic reform j it will be
••lower but surer ; and it w ill come
1 when the circumstances of the
times call for it, as they now in
some measure, call for the gov
! eminent oi Bouaparte or some
' such man. If the preceding re
| marks be correct, the Frtn~h re
volution is not at an end ; but the
most bloody part ha* passed away ;
several grand eras have succeeded
each other; the last will be thc
final emancipation of the nation,
! some lime during the nineteenth
. century. I cannot admit that lam
I ocre falling into the prophetic
mania, which I have just condem
ned. Ihe revolutionary wheel
has been in motion fifteen years;
it has had several pauses, but roll
ing on again ; i therefore think it
precipitate ar.d premature to con
clude lhat it has now stopt forever.
[To be continued ] A
LOOK OUT FOR A SQUALL*
From Halifax. —By a gentle,
men who left Halifax 14 dav*
ago,and arrived heie in ihc
(loop Elizabeth, capr. Dame
reti, (tom Deer Island, we have
the following Information'
The preparation of the appatVV
important expedition which'?,/
been in agi'anon for fonie time
part is now neatly completed;
the time is improved with the
greatefl diligence in order to
facilitate their departute. The
Ihips now in readiness for this
secret object are 19, mod of
which are of the line, and 19 >
transports, with flat bottomed
boats built on a new conllruc
tion, for thepurpofeof landing
troops in shoal water, 80 of
thole are completed, and othes:
preparing with the uimofl dd'J
patch; 15,000 troops are reaJ
dy toembaik and waiting the
• at 1 ivalof a reinforcement, w iidi
failed fioin Portlinouth the 5c
of Augufl under convoy ; dc
horses, with equipments for fly
ing artiilery, attended with in
fantry and camp equipage foi
30,000 men, were all embaikec
prior to the aoih ult. Then
are various conjectures relative]
to the dellinaiion of the fleet]
the opinions of many are ilia]
the object is N. Orleans.
Eviry stranger is drictly fcrul
tinized and arrefled if a pafj
cannot be produced, defignatinl
his business.
E ajlern Argua
1
A water spout lately broke
near Kirkconnel, North Britain
It is thns deferibed in a letter
from Sanquhar—“ In the after,
noon, a large black cloud ap„
peared to red on the hill of Cor
fencon, which soon fhifted and
dood over the coal-pits, abotpt
two miles from that place, when
a whirhwind apparently
diredly below it, appeared to
lirike the cloud. At this iriflant
a loud and confufed noise w*t
heard, and the water immedi
ately defeended with great velo
city in an awful and tremendi
ous manner, tearing up tbd
ground, and (tones of an irn
menle size, wherever it touched.
I hole who witnefled this fceric
defenbe the water defending
f.om a conliderable height, in
broken columns, rolling over
one another, which, when it ag*
proachtd near the earth, termf|
nated in a final! point, in an
inverted conical The
day was uncommonly hot and
lultry, and larccly a breath of
wind could be felt.”
London paper. | ■
I'he breeding dock of the
late fir George Stridland oi
Beynton, (Eng.) has recently
been fold at auction, for 9,00d|
dollars—One cow fold for 46J8
dollars, and another 13 yeatfE
old, for 190 dollars- After thti
sale, a bull belonging to 5419
Cotes, fold for the enormous
sum of 2,338 dollars
A Hull (Eng-) paper gives|
numerous instances of the effe&s
of hot weather, in the vicinity,
ol that city in July last—several
persons, pigs, 'fheep, 6c c. were
killed by the intense heat ;
honey and wax in a number of
beehives, melted ; and the re
flection of the suti’s rays
a saw, caught a saw.pit on iirfclj
At a late meeting of the Kent)'
society (Eng.) for the encoui
agemem of agriculture
dustry, Mr. William
was awarded nine dollars, fat
having brought up ten of filled!
children ; and Mr. Francis, 2*
dollars for a cart-gelding of two#
vears old !
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