Newspaper Page Text
Washington Cos. Geo. .May 24, 1833.
To ike Editor of the .Messengers
Sir You will oblige an old woman, by in
serting < hc follow in” in your paper, I would have
published it hero, but I wanted some other per
son in your county, to corroborate the far ts that
I stale, and I thick, if John B, Earle is alive, he
•r an do it. It is for the iutbrmat on efthese that
dont know the politics of the family ot Johti
Bates, of Hail county, Georgia. I happened
to be iu Milledgeville when said Bates amended -
the resolution on South Carolina Nullification,
by saying we abhor the doctrine as. processed
by Carolina. It did not surprise me when 1
knew who he was, for his whole larr.iiy abhorred
the doctrine of South Cnrohna in seventvsix.
the time that tried men's sc.uls. My family and
several others were forced near Paeolet river,
with his grandfather and his father, and soul
more of his family. His uncle, Bill Bates,
went to the Cherokee Nation and piloted in the
Indians to the Fort, and it was well known at
forwards tb'.it the Bates’ knew that they were
coming. There w ere a few that tired on the
Indians, but the Bates’ and some others of the
tau>:e stamp, opened the gates, and let them in.
I can never forget the scene that followed.
They killed and scalped John Motley, wife, and
several others, and stripped him naked, and two
Indians took hold of him, one by each arm, and
Bill Bates came past at the moment, and Mot
ley begged he would not let the Indians kill him, I
as they wero raised together; but Bates said
w ith sn oath, it was none of his business, they
might kill him if they had a mind, and passed _
on. I shall nevei forget the helhsh laugh that
he gave as he turned round, which made Motley
turn his head, when behold, an Indian that was
behind him made a stroke at his head with a
tomahawk, but he pitched forwards, and it stuck
in his shoulder. He then broke from the Indi
ans, but they fired on him and shot him in the
thigh; he then jumpoa up and made his escape
in defiance of th Indians.
The Indians collected ike plunder, and pris
oners, anti start c lor the Cherokee .Nation;
there was a company collected, and pursued
after the Indians, and came up with them, and
recovered every thing, and the prisoners, except .
old Mrs. Bates, who could not be found. In j
searching about Major Parsons found her under .
the bank of a branch hid, to go off to the Nation
with ner son Bill.—Parsons said lie had a great
mind to kill her, but he didnt like to kill a wo
man but would make his horse kill her by break
ing tne Dank over her, but he did not. He then
ordered the old hag out, and fetched heron with
the rest. The Bates’ exulted vhen the fort was
taken, telling us the British and In ians tvoul
overrun Carolina, and we had better make our
peace with them, or we should be like Motley s
wife; but we had our turn with them, as we w nt.
back after the war was over. Theie was a man
came in to trade with the Nation enquiring the
wiv to Gen Pickens’ on Seneca river, as he
kept a store to traue with the Indians. Tb ■
man that he applied to, began to question him;
he did not like his answets, and told him U
thought he was a bad man, and made him march
b .ore him to Gen. Picktns’ and wanted him
to send him to Greenville. Pickens told him,
he had nothing against the man, but the other
declared that he would take him himself, and
actually put him in Greenville jail. Motley
heard that Bill Bates was in jail, and he got-two
or three others to go with him, and demanded
him of the Jailor, but he refused to give him up;
he then began to break the door, and the jailor
t imed him out, and he shot him through the
head in the streets of Greenville—Dont you
think the hand of God was in it 1 Now all this
“happ'ened in your neighborhood, where you can
{mow whether I have stated facts or not. If I
have, I hope you wiii u2T® the £ooanes t? i
lish it for a poor old woman, who has suffered
by them. I would ask you one question; dc
you think that the old Tories instilled theirprin
ciples into their children as the Whigs did '!
Now this same Bates in every instance, I am
told, where an Indian was concerned, always
took their part against the honour of his State;
whether it was from the principles instilled into
him, he is the best judge. If it was from hu
manity, he ought to have credit for it, and bad
as I have a right to hate them, I would not per
secute them at this day. May the blessings of
an old woman who lovts the State wherein she
first drew her breath, attend you.
M ARY JOHNSTONE.
N. B.—ls you publish it, I wish some of the
printers in Georgia would publish it likewise.
We understand that Wiley Anderson was
bung near Spartenburgh C. H. on Friday last,
agreeably to the sentence of the Court. It will
bo recollected that this man was convicted of
the murder of a citizen ofSpart<uburgh District,
who was in company with several gentlemen
from Georgia, who were • .delivering t< arrest
Anderson for the murder of a man in that state.
A vast concourse of spectators assembled to
witness the execution. The criminal met his
fate with great fitmness, and even assisted to
■adjust the rope. He has left a wife and three
nr four children, who are residing in Georgia
Greenville Mountaineer.
Lord Byron. —lt may not be generally known
-that the present Lord Chancellor Brougham, is
tile real author of the famous article in the Edin
burgh Review, on Byron’s Juvenile production.
“ Hours of Idleness,” for which Jeffrey was so
severely taken to task in the satire, “ English
Bards and Scottish Reviewers.” I\e have this
fact from authority on which we can place the
utmost reliance Edinbu g Observer.
Ececutive jlres. —An elegant hickory box,
containing one dozen axes, from the foundery
of Alexander Harrison, New-ilaven, was shown
to us yesterday. They were made by a dozen
different workmen. on the occasion of the Presi
dent s recent visit to the Academic groves of that
city, and presented to him as specimens of an
iron age. We thing tney are samples of excel
lent workmanship; and now that the Pro sic ent
by virtue of certificate from Doctor Quincy of
Harvard, has become one of the Literati, he
” i'l tifobably use them in “chopping logic.
A Good One. —“ Mister, (.said a Johnny |
Raw thorn fioin New Jersey, who lately visited <
the office of the Argus,) dont folks pay i
for the paper witboutdunnen 1 I guess if I was
printer, I’d tickle ’em with an oat straw ! I’ hy
father takes a paper, and I’ve heard him tell
mother, he’d just about as lief cheat the Parson
os the Printer !”
THE WESTERN HERALD.
AURARIA, GEORGIA, AUGUST 31, 1333.
[tCP We are authorized to anouncc the name ot'Alaj
JOEL CRAWFORD, ofHancock county, for Governor
at the ensuing Election.
—: 2£2!r :
On this day,the favorite project of Governor
Lumpkin, of excluding from circulation, allßills
under the denomination of five Dollars, goes
into operation. If after this time either through
necessity or otherwise, any one shall pass for
any purpose whatsoever, a bill under the denom
ination ot five Dollars, he becomes subject by
law, to the paymt nt of 100 dollars, and as in-
ducement to its rigid enforcement, one half of
this sum is given to Informers for prosecuting
the suit, and they made competent witnesses to
fix the charge upon whomsoever they may think
proper to accuse. \\ e have called this the fa
vorite project of Governor Lumplrn, because
the law was enacted by the last Legislature upon
his special recommendation, and surely he will
not be held responsible for its consequences. It
has been the chief delight of the Governor and
his “aids” to electioneer upon the principle, that
he was “the poor man’sfriend;” “the plain hon
| est farmer;” “the farmers Governor,” and all
j such like low slang. The question is now sub-
I mitted to those to whom these tales have been
told,how this act comports with his professions.
Does its operation affect most the rich or the
poor? Docs it manifest those fnendlyintentions,
that kind protecting care over the interest of
“the honest yeomanry” of the country, profes
sed by, and for the Governor. These questions
need not be answered, for that which is self ev
ident needs not the aid of proof.
Ifthe affluent, (and here again it is urged as
an electioneering hobby’, that much the larger
i> rtion of them are against the Governor,) are
>v the law denied the privilege of passing small
bills, they can offer fives, tens, and hundreds,
w hilst generally,the whole monied capital of the
poor mem, (whose support is claimed almost ex
clusively for the Governor,) consists of some
two or three hills, under the denomination offive
dollars.
* To make ourselves understood by every one
on this subject, and to show as we conceive,
unanswerably, the effect of this law upon the
labouring and poorer class of the community,
let us suppose, on this day, that the man of
wealth has on hand a number of small bills.
He docs not need them for immediate use, and
i can yylihout detriment to himself, await a con
venient opportunity to send them
from whence they issued, and effect an exchange
for specie or bills of larger denomination. Not
so with him who is differently circumstanced,
and whose week’s labour has earned him a thn.-e
dollar bill. From this, himself and family must 1
be supported the ensuing week, and yet he can
not use it without subjecting him to a suit at the
instance of the first enemy he meets, and to the
payment of the hundred dollars, a sum sufficient
to deprive his wife and children of a bed to lie
on or a cow to milk. The same course of rea
soning will hold good throughout, and this law
no matter how considered, not withstsanding it
is the bantling of the poor man’s Governor, nev
ertheless will be discovered to operate most op
pressively on that class, while it does not at all
effect the rich, except in enabling them when so
disposed, to take advantage of, and speculate
upon the necessities of the former.
The people most affected by this measure,
w ill look to it, and say whether they will give
the;r support to a man who imposes himself up
on them under the deceptive character, assumed
by Govern.or Lumpkin; at least it is time that
the electioneering hobbies heretofore most re
lied on in his .support, should be dismounted, for
by this act they are “rode down”
rort tiie western herald.
Covingicn, July 26, 1833.
Hoy. John C. Calhoun,
Sir >\ ith a high regard for your public ser
vices, and a warm and undying attachment to
the Jeffersonian principles of ’9B, which have
recently bad your fearless and unshrinking ad
vocacy, even in these times of peril and politi
cal apostasy; permit us, in behalf of the citizens
of Newton county, most earnestly and respect— i
iully, to request that you will honor us with’
your presence at a Public Dinner, to be furnish
ed tor the occasion at a time hereafter to be
specified, and which may suit your convenience.
VV e beg leave to 3ay, that any time previous
to the 12th of September next, would perfectly
meet the convenience of our citizens, and inter
fere with no public engagements.
Should it be in your power to inefct our sm— |
cere wishes upon this subject, you will be kind
enough to signify to the Committee, as early as
practicable, the particular day which you may
select for the purpose, that suitable arrange
ments may be made. _ 1
In conclusion, honored Sir, suffer us to ten-1
der our most cordial wishes, that the high, fe
deral and lutitudinariun doctrines, so boldly pro
claimed during the last Congress by the Nor
thern champion of consolidation, and which
met so timely and triumphant a relutation at
your hands, may -non meet their merited fate,
and that the pure unsophisticated republicanism
of’9B, recently acted out by your native State,
and which embraces “ State Rights” and “State
Remedies,” both may spread its sanative influ-
I ence over this Union, until every State shall
learn, that to be free, it must be sovereign.
IVith sentiments of high regard, we remain,
Hon. Sir, your ob’t. Servt’s.
CHARLES KENNON.
JACK WILBURN,
A. Y. LUCKIE,
GEORGE PULLEN,
WILLIAM BROWN,
JOHN N. WILLIAMSON,
GREEN B. TURNER,
JOSIAH TERRY,
M’CORMK K NEAL,
M’ALLEN BAITS,
SITU T. STOORS,
LAMBETH HOPKINS,
CHARLES H. SANDERS,
Com. of Arrangements.
Lumpkin County, Aug. 10, 1833.
Gentlemen,—l have just been honored by
your note of the 26th July, inviting me in the
name of the citizens of Newton county, to a
Public Dinner to be given to me at such lime,
as would suit my convenience.
If anv circumstance could induce me to de
part tront the line of conduct, which, on mature
reflection, I prescribed to myself front the be
ginning of the present great political struggle,
to decline all testimony of approbation of my
public conduct, it would be the kind and flatter
ing manner in which the Citizens of Newton
county, have offered me this mark of their re
spect; but 1 trust, they will excuse me for not
accepting, when I explain the principle on
which I have heretofore declined similar testi
mony of respect; and on which, I still feel my
self constrained to act. In making the ex
planation, you will 1 hope, bear with me, parti
cularly in speaking of myself, as it is impossible
without so doing, to state the reasons which
govern me.
Perceiving as I clearly did, several years
since, a strong tendency to concentrate a'l pow
er in the Federal Government, and to substitute
its will as the mere agent of a great dominent,
local interest, in the place of the Constitution; .
and firmly believing, that faction, anarchy, cor-’
ruption and finally despotism, wouh; be the re
sult, if not speedily and effectually arrested. I 1
felt it a sacred, and paramount duty to the coun
try to oppose so fatal a tendency, w ith every fa
culty, that prudence hud bestowed on me, with
out regom to personal consequences. This
determination was not taken without full know
ledge of the'difficulty and danger to oe encoun
tered. I had too mm h knowledge and experi
ence in human affairs, not to foresee that it
would bring mo in conflict with the mighty in
terests, which was perverting the powers ol the
governmet, from the object intendeu by the
union of these states; the common good of all,
to the advancement of its own particular pros
perity, regardless of that of others. Nor did I
doubt, considering the position I occupied, that
v ith the view of weakening me, and through me,
the cause, charges the most profligate would be
made against me; however pure and disinteres
ted might be my motives and conduct. Though
I had long since learned to hold in contempt
i guc |' i -Wutaeles. when in the discharge of what I
believed to be my duty, as tar as 1
myself personally, yet believing, that the least
suspicion, that I was actuated by personal, or
ambitious motives, would have an injurious ef
i feet on the great and sacred cause in which I ‘
was an humble labourer, and which I placed j
above all earthly considerations, I determined j
that no act ot mine should afford the least color |
to sueh"an accusation. With this view, and in >
order to demonstrate, as far as acts could, that I
sought no lead, nor any personal advantage
whatever, 1 determined throughout the struggle
to avoid all occasions, calculated to give me
pre-eminence, excepting uch as might require
a performance of some duty. The execution
of this resolution has cost me no effort, as all of
my desires were concentrated in the success of
the cause. Should that succeed—should our
constitution and liberty be restored, I ask no
more. I shall be satisfied, be my fate person
ally what it may; but till they are restored, I
hold myself bound to act on the principle, which
has heretofore guided me—to hold myself as
nothing,and the cause in which weare interested,
every thing. I not only thus far, but I wish to
avoid all suspicions, however untounded, to the
contrary.
I say till restored, not without due and deli—
-1 berate consideration of the full import of the
■ term. I utter it under a painful, but a solemn
• conviction of its truth, that we are no longer a
free people—a people living under a Constitu
tion, as. the guardian of their rights; hut under
the absolute will of an unchecked majority,
which has usurped the power to do as it pleases,
and to enforce its pleasure at the point of the
bayonet—a power, according to my conception,
constituting the very essence of despotism, be
the form of government what it may; that of|
one, the few, or the many # This condition, we
hod been long approaching; and to it we are
now absolutely reduced by the Proclamation
and Force Act.
Let no one deceive himself into the belief,
that these tyranical and lawless meusures do
not subvert the constitution and destroy liberty,
because they have not yet been can ied out into j
their cruel and bloody consequences. It be- !
longs to slaves and not freemen, to measure
their servitude by the tyranny actually felt, and
riot by the violation of great and fundamental
principles. I
The Government bus assumed despotic pow
er, and lei us not forget, what experience teach
es, that when such assumption is not promptly
met and put down, such power in the hand ot
I government never lies dormant. Its progress
[will soon be traced in blood,
fflpi thus freely denouncing these odious and
■Constitutional acts, my object is admonition
and not excitement; to rouse to a speedy rescue
of liberty nnd the constitution; and not to weak
en our attachment to the union, or our admira
ble political institutions. It is, in fact, the strong
attachment that l feel for the Union, and the
profound admiration for our iusi itutions,_ which
have excited the deep indignation I feel against
the measures, by which they have been over
thrown; and which threaten to erect on the ru
ins, the most corrupt and oppressive system of
despotism upon earth. It rests with us of the
South to say, whether such shall be the end ot
our politic al experiment, which once afforded,
and, l trust, will again, such high hopes to the |
friends of liberty over the world. The pres-|
sure of despotic power will first fall on us; and 1
if we do not meet it, with the lofty and deter
mined spirit of freemen, ready to sacrifice all
rather than surrender our liberty, our doom, and !
that ol your institutions, will be fixed forever.
Th.; consolidating all power in the government, 1
will terminate the experiment; and consolida- j
tion and liberty are from their nature forever
disjoined Under no circumstance can they !
co-exist. So long then, as the act of blood
stains our statute book, and the sovereignty of
the states is practically denied by the govern
ment, so long will be the duration of our politi
cal bondage.
Permit me in conclusion to remark, if I, in
conjunction with the able and patriotic associ
ates, with whom I acted during the last trying
Session of Congress, successfully maintained in
debate, the rights and sovereignty of the States,
as you are pleased to stile, it must be attributed
to the cause, and not the advocate. There were
arranged on the side of consolidation, men of
powerful talents, capable of doing ample jus
tice to the side they advocated; and it is cer
tainly no slight evidence of the truth of our
cause, that such men were compelled, in de
fence of their doctrines, to deny a fact so clear,
and so universally admitted till then, and that
even by those, who were then forced to deny it,
that the federal constitution is a compact — a
fact as certain, as the existence of the instrument
itself; and yet, such was the force of truth, that
the leading advocates ot consolidation were
compelled to admit, that, if a fact so unquestion
able be granted, all the rights we claimed for the
; states; sovereignty, nullification and all necessa
| rily followed. On such solid grounds, da our
i great and glorious cause stand. Resting on
such stable foundation, let us support and de
! fend it with the legitimate waepons of truth,
! candour, disinterestedness, and energy, and its
I triumph will be certain.
With sincere regard I am, &c. &c.
JOHN C. CALHOUN.
Charles Kenon,
Jack Wilbijrn,
A. F. Luckie.
George Pullen,
William Brown,
J. W. Williamson,
1 Green B. Turner,
| Josiaii Perry,
M’Cormick Neal,
M’Ali.f.n B tts,
Seth P. Storrs,
Lambeth Hopkins, and
C. H. Sanders, Esqrs.
FROM THE WASHINGTON NEWS.
TO THE FREEMEN OF
Butts, Carroll, Campbell, Gwinnett, Habersham,
Hall, Monroe .Muscogee, Newton, Pulaski,
Rabun, Richmond, Taliaferro and Warren
counties.
I ask you to look at the following table, and
1 =ee how greativ vou are injiirS'! degraded
by the proposed plan of the late CC2’ er)t ' on ' l
Butts county has 3,367 free m whito inhabitants
and is now entitled to two representatives. The
‘ new plan will give her only one representative,
| and leave 1215 of her free while population un
j represented; whilst Glynn county with 622 free
I white inhabitants (only half of what Butts is to
lose) now has one—and is under the new plan is
to have one representative, equal to Butts. This
is proclaimed to the people, as an apportion
ment of representation, under a free white basis
only, and many honest republican Citizens, have
taken up with the plan, because it “ sounds repub
lican.” But let my well meaning fellow-citi
zens look at this plan closely- If .it be based
on free white population only, and the county of
Glynn with 622 white persons is to have one
representative, how many ought Butts to have
with her 3,367 white population ? Answer—
more ’than five !Is it honest now to say that
the apportionment of representation is made on
free while population alone ? It is not right, and
the people ought to be uudecoived.
2. Again, Campbell county has a free white
population of 3,398, and has now two members,
and is to have but one, leaving 1247 of her free
white population unrepresented, whilst Wayne,
with a free white population of 667, now has one,
and is to have the same number under the new
plan. By an equal ratio Campbell ought to
have Jive representatives.
3. Carroll has a free white population of
3967, now has two representatives, but under
the new plan is to have but one, leaving 896 of
her free white population unrepresented; whilst
Randolph, with a free white population of 691,
now has one, and is to keep one representative.
By the same ratio, Carroll ought to have nearly
Jive. 1
4. Pulaski county has a free white population
ot 2996, and now has two representatives, and
is to have hut one, leaving 845 of her free white
population unrepresented—whilst Bryan, with
724 free whites, (less than Pulaski loses) now
has one and is to retain one representative. By
this ratio, Pulaski ought to have Jour.
6. Rabun has afrte white population 0f2982,
and now has two reprenentatives, but is to lose
one ot these by the new plttn, and also have
831 of herfree whites unrepresented. Mont
gomery, with 949 free whites, now has one ro
presentative, and is to be allowed one still. $y
this ratio Rabun ought to have between three eni
Jour representatives.
6. Taliaferro has 3105 free whites and now
has two, but is to be cut down to one represen.
tative, which leaves 954 of her free whitca tinre.
presented. Baker, with 977 free whites (about
the number Taliaferro loses) now has one, ami
is privileged to hold on to one representative.
But by this ralio, Taliaferro ought to have mom
than three.
7. Muscogee has 3106 free whites; and now
has two representatives, but she is to lose one
of these, and the representation of 955 of h er
free whites. Ware has 1063 free whites, and
now has, and is still to have one representative,
By an equal ratio of representation with Ware,
Muscogee ought to have three representatives.
But Ware seems to be entitled to a represents,
five for what Muscogee loses !
8. Warren with 5043 free whites, now has
I three representatives, and is to have but two;
j leaving 740 of her free whites unrepresented!
i Mclntosh, with 1076 free whites, now has two
and is to have one representative. But it the
new plan was in truth based upon fiee white
! population alone, and made equal, Warren
would be entitled to near five representatives.
! 9. Richmond, w ith 5,558 free whites, now
j has three, but is to have only two representatives
under the new plan, leaving 1256 of her fiee
! whites unrepresented. Irwin with 1066 fiee
whites, 200 less than Richmond loses, now has
one, and will still be allowed one representative.
By an equal ratio, Richmond should have more
than fiv’ !
10. Newton has 8,101 free w hites and now
has, and will be yet allowed three representa
tives, though she loses, upon an equal rati®, (of
2151 free whites to a representative,) the repre
sentation of 1667 of her free whites. ButAp
pling with 1227 free whites less than is thrown
off in Newton, now has and w.ll continue to
have one representative. An eqnal ratio would
give to Newton more than double her number
of representatives.
11. Monroe has 9,723 free whites, and now
sends four, but will only send three represents*
lives under the new plan, and will leave 3,276
of her free whites unrepresented ! Camden has
1441 free whites, not half the number castaway
in Monrce, and now sends two, but is to have
but one representative. An equal ratio would
give Monroe nearly seven repicsentatives!
12. Habersham has 10,262 free whites, and
now has, and is proposed to have three repre
sentatives, leaving 3,807 of her free whites un
represented. Stewart has 1371 free whiter,
little more than one third of what Habersham
loses, and now has, and will continue to have
one representative. By an equal ratio, Haber*
sham would have near eight representatives.
13. Gwinnett has 10,721 free whites, and
now has four but is proposed to have but three
representatives, by which 4,266 of her tree
whites will go unrepresented. Early has 1466
free whites, about Nine third of what is lost to
Gwinnett, and now has and is yet to have one
representative. Ifthe same latio was allowed
to Gwinnett, she would have between seven and
eight representatives.
14. Hall has 11,177 free whites, and now
has four; but is to have hut three representative",
under the new plan, by which 4,722 of her free
whites will go umepresented, upon an equal ra
tio with all the state. Telfair has 1487 free
whites, little more than one fourth of what is
cast off'from Hall, and now has, and will yet
have one representative. If Hall should send
representatives under the same ratio, she would
be entitled to nearly eight. But for the sakeol
seeing how great the disparity in apportionment
really is, I will state an extreme case.—Hall
ha.-, 11,177 free whiles and three representatives,
losing a representation for 4722 ot’ her freo
whites. Glynn has 622 free whites, little more
than one eighth of what Hall loses, and now
sends, and is to be favored still with one repre
sentative. If Hall were to send representatives
upon a like ratio with Glynn, she would he en
tiiieu ,ri representatives in tho
L YerymanV-indeed, aitfost all of the middle
and upper counties lose greatly’ of tnoir w
tio of representation, which is approp'S'f”
make up the deficiency of population in the I6K*
counties, generally. So that every evidence*
that would be required to hang a mnn, or sen
tence him to the penitentiary, is afforded to
prove that the great amendment of the Conven
tion is not based upon free white popular
alone, and that representation might with 59
much propriety be allowed to slave property, as
pine barren property.
The comfort or honor cf the matter is, that
besides relinquishing a heavy portion of repre
sentation, as well as representative population,
these counties, and others who are in like con
dition, (for I have not named halfof them.) ha' e
to pay in taxes an amount equal to the per diem
allowance of these representatives of barton
territory. You have enough just now fellow
citizens to reflect upon; there are many mom
very stubborn facts, yet to be disclosed, to the
discredit of the partizan convention.
A CORN-PLANTER*
Mr. Calhoun. —“ The seven principles” in
dignant at the respect manifested towards slr<
Calhoun, at the late celebration in Virginia, ‘ 3
venting his spleen on the great Southerner in
the true rattlesnake spirit. Alas, how fallen is
this Editcir! Puffed up with a vain conceit o!
his influence over the People of Virginia heso®
finds himself the object of merited derision--
stripped of his supposed power-*—mortified in bis
pride—baflled in his purposes-—the dupe of P
own artifice—the victim of his own passions - ”
the jest of his own friends—the scorn of his D ’
einies—and the laughing-stock of all. ”j 10
would not spare him a few bitter curses on
Calhoun ? The temper he displays towards tb l3
distinguished statesman, at once exhibits 1110
convulsed agotly of his own mortified feeling'’
and the reckless malignity of his private ha*®’
What are the pretexts upon which he assai' 1
Mr, Calhoun? Is the editor a friend of State
Rights? Then should he extol Mr. CalhoM
for surely no men has periled more in their d®’
fence than Mr. Calhoun. Is ho a frfeflf c
