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~ JAMES GARDNER, JR., i
and > Editors.
JAMES M. SMYTHE, )
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RISK.
Mr. Cobb’s Reply to the Macon Gommittoe.
[concluded.]
When the l ight of a State to Hcedc from the
Union at will is conceded, we have put, the exis
tence of the government at the dhposal of each
State in the Union. The of one, is
a dissolution of the holds the
States together; it is no that the
constitution lormed, and the T States
are absolved from all moral obligation to abide
longer by their compact. 1 say moral obligation,
because the argument of the secessionists denies
the existence of any binding legal obligation. By
admitting the doctrine of the secessionists, we
are brought to the conclusion, that our Federal
Government, the pride and boast of every Am
erican jiatriot, the wonder and admiration of the
civilized world, is nothing more than a voluntary
association; temporary in its character, weak and
imbecile in the exercise of its powers, incapable
of self-preservation, claiming from its citizens al
legiance, and demanding annual tribute from
their treasure—and yet, destitute of the power of
protecting their rights or preserving their liber
ties. If this lie the true theory of our govern
ment, what is the constitution of the U. States,
that we should estimate it so highly? Where is
its binding force, that wc should hold to its pro
vison* with such unyi«ldiug tenacity ? Indivi
duals cannot violate their com pacts, or act aside
at pleasure their mutal obligations, without the
assent of the other parties. Nations cannot reck
lessly disregard their stipulations, without in
curring the consequences of violated faith. But
our constitution, the revered monument of revo
lutionary patriotism and wisdom, which H’chave
been taugnt to regard with reverential feeling, is
doomed to fall below the standard of national
treaties, and individual contracts. It has formed
a Union founded upon mutual sacrifices and con
cessions—made by the several component parts
lor the greater benefits to lie derived by each,
from the combined co-o|icration ot all—and now
we arc told that there is no obligation to oliscrve
that Union, beyond the pleasure of the parties to
it—and that the constitution can be annulled by
the acts of any State in the confederacy.
1 do not so understand our government, I feel
that 1 owe my allegiance to a government, pos
sessed of more vitality and strength, than that
which is drawn from a voluntary obadience to
its laws. I hold that no government is entitled
to my allegiance that does not [>ass wise and just
laws, and does not possess the power to enforce
and execute them.
I am fully aware of the fact that the effort is
now lieing made to render the denial of the right
of a State to dissolve the Union, odious in the
public estimation, by presenting to the public
mind, in connection with it, a frightful picture of
nn armed soldiery and a military despotism. I
have no fears of the judgment that our enlighten
ed countrymen will pass on this controversy—
and surely I could not complain of any conse
quence that should result from my avowal of
doctrines which 1 have imbibed from the teach
ings of Mr. Madison, Gen. Jackson, Judge Craw
ford, and their republican associates. It does not
follow, however, as a necessary consequence of
the principles which I have laid down, that
military coercion is to be used against a State that
may attempt tho exercise of this rovolationary
right.
Whilst f deny the right of a State to secede,
and thus dissolve the Union, I would not attempt
. by the strong arm of military power to bring her
citizens back to their allegiance, unless, aom
pelled to do so in defence of the rights anil inter
ests of the remaining States of the Union. Wc
should not recognize her separate independence,
nor could we allow our own interests to be peril
ed by sanctioning any alliance she might be dis
posed to make with any foreign government. Iu
our desire to inflict no injury upon a wandering
smer, we should not forget the duty which the
government owes to those who remain linn and
true to their allegiance, and whose claims upon
its protection and support should not be lightly
regarded. The laws of self protection would re
quire at the hands of the government that due
regard should be bad for the protection of the
rights and interests of the other States, and to
that demand it would lie bound to respond. If
one of the States should in a mad hour at tempt to
secede from the Union, aud the kind and indul
gent policy which I have indicated should be
resoi ted to, I have no doubt that in a very short
time such State would feel it to be both her duty
and interest to retrace her wandering steps, aud
return to the embrace of the sisterhood. This
opinion is founded upon the high estimate which
I place upon the value of the Union to each and
all of tlie States that eom]xise it. It would require
the experience of only a short absence, to teach
the wanderer the benefits and advantages from
which she had voluntarily exiled herself.
Such are the general views which I entertain
on this subject, and 1 have frccly*exf>resseil them.
1 have discussed it as a mere abstract question,
and in that light I regard it. Whatever differ
ences of opinion may exist among the true friends
of the Union on the abstract question of the right
of secession, 1 apprehend that when it assumes a
practical shape, there would be but slight shades
of difference as to the policy and effect of our
action. There are many who hold to the doc
trine of the right of a State to secede from the
Union, with whom I do not differ practically.—
They grant the abstract right of secession, but
claim for the remaining States the right to pro
tect themselves from any injurious consequences
that might flow from the exercise of t hat ab
stract right by the seceding State. It is only
necessary to state the two propositions to show
that, in the end, the practical operation of their
principles would lead to the same results that I
would reach by the enforcement of the doctrines
which I have avowed. Our difference is theore
tical, not practical, and therefore constitutes no
impediment in the way of our cordial co-opera
tion.
We all hold that just and wise laws should be
enforced and executed, whilst we are prepared
to oppose acts of injustice and oppression by all
means in our power, and to the rupture of every
tie that binds us to any government No gov
ernment however wisely and honestly adminis
tered, can be maintained in the absence of bind
ing obligation on its citizens to obey' its laws,
and power to enforce their execution on recusant
parties. Hence, I cannot consent to the doctrine
that our government is destitute of these powers
essential to its vitality and existence. The
claim which I have urged in behalf of the Fede
ral Government cannot he abandoned without
endangering the whole frame-work of our admi
rable system —nor is there any serious danger to
be apprehended from its improper exercise. Its
true strength, based upon the existence of these
[lowers, is to tie found in the justice and wisdom
of its legislation; these are the true and only
safe avenue* to the hearts and affections of the
people, wherein are found the strong pillars of
support to a free government. Ido not entertain
the idea, for a moment, that our government can
be maintained by the strong arm of military pow
er,^when it ceases to bestow the blessings upon the
people for which it was formed. Whenever it
becomes the instrument of wrong and oppression
to any portion ofth* people, by unjust laws and
degrading legislation, it will cease to be the U
nipn formed by our revolutionary fathers, and
possessing no further claims unon our alligiance
and support, should that period ever unfortunate
ly arrive, we will not fail to prove ourselves as
true in the principles ol liberty and equal rights
as our honorable and venerated fathers; nor will
we stop to look to the provisions of a violated
constitution for the mode or measure for the re
dress of our grievances.
I have so far considered the question in refer
ence to the doctrine of the constitutional right
of a State to secede without just cause, at her own
will and pleasure, and I think" 1 have shown that
it is unsupported either by principle or authority.
On the other hand, I admit the right of a Str.te
to secede for just causes, to be determined by her
self. Being a party to the compact, which the
constitution foims, she has the right, which all
other parties to a compact possess, to determine
for herself when, where and how, the provisions
of that compact have been violated. It is equal
ly clear that the other |iarties to the compact
possess* corresponding right to judge for them
selves, and there being no common arbiterto de
cide between them, each must depend for the
justification of their course umn the justice of
their cause, the correctness of their judgment, and
their power and ability to maintain the decision.
The right of a State to secede in case of op
pression, or “ a gross and palpable violation” of
her constitutional rights, as derived from the re
served sovereignty of the State, I am prepared to
recognize. In such a case, each State, in the
language of the Kentucky and Virginia resolu
tionsof 1798-’99, is to be the judge, not only of
the “ infractions,” but “ the mode and measure
of redress.” It is the jnst right of the people to
change their form of government when, in their
opinion, it has become tyranical, in a mode not
provided for in the constitution, and is therefore
revolutionary in its character, and depends for
its muiutainance upon the stout hearts and strong
arms of a free people.
I connection with this branch of the subject,
a question arises, which, in the opinion of some,
is of considerable importance. It is, whether or
not the citizens of a State thus resuming her sov
ereign [lowers would be liable to the charge of
treason in conforming to the requirements of
their State government. I refer to this particu
lar, only in consideration of the importance at
tach to it by others. From what I have said, it
will clearly appear that I hold that they would
not lie. In my opinion, no man commits trea
son who acts in obedience to the laws and authori
ties of a regular organized government, such as
we recognize our State governments to be.
But there is a question, gentlehien, involved
in your interrogatories, which rises in magnitude
far above any gwhich I Jliave yet considered.
It involves the important inquiry, whether in the
event of a State seceding from the Union, anil
the Executive ofthe United States making a re
quisition for troops to coerce her back, I, if elect
ed Governor of Georgia, would obey that requi
sition. This question may become a practical
one—l sincerely trust and hope it never will.
Under the existing laws of the United States,
the President has no power to order out the mili
tia to coerce a seceding State. Neither the Act
of 1795 nor the Act of 1807 would apply in such
an emergency. Those Acts apply to cases
where individuals,acting without the authority
of any State government, resist, by force, the
laws ofthe United States—to riots and insur
rections—to such cases as wo were apprehensive
a few months since might be manifested in op
position to tiie Fugitive Slave Law in portions
of the Northern States.—That this is the true
construction to be placed upon these Acts, will
be apparent form the conduct of Gen. Jackson in
a former period of our history, when the State of
South Carolina threatened to secede from the
Union. He then found it necessary to invoke
the aid of additional legislation by Congress.
His appeal to the then Congress resulted in the
passage ofthe law familiarly known as “the
Force Bill;” but that Act being temporary in its
object and character, has lost all of its vitality,
and long since ceased to be of force, having ex
pired by its own limitation. In the contingency
involved in your question, it would be necessary
that the President, if his views of right and poli-
Icy led him to coercion, should ask of Congress
additional legislation, and it would be for them
to determine whether or not they would grant
it. If a State should secede, and the President
should recommend to Congress such legislation
and Congress should grant it, then your question
would become practical, and l am prepared to
answer it fully, freely, and frankly. It would
be the most fearful issue that ever the people of
this country have been called on to decide since
the days ol the revolution —so momentous, so
vital to the interests ofthe people of Georgia, that
I should leel bound to ascertain the will of that
people before I acted. 1 should endeavor to be
ihe Executive of the will of the jtco/dc of | Georgia.
To ascertain that will, I should convene the
Legislature of the State, anil recommend to them
to call a convention of the people, audit weuld
be for that convention, representing the people
upon that naked issue, to determine whether
Georgia would go out of the U nion, and ally her
self and peril her distinies with the seceding
State, or whether she would remain in the
Union and abide tlie fortunes of her other sisters.
And as Georgia sjioke, so would l endeavor, if
lief Executive, to give power and effect to her
voice.
But if a collision of arms between the States
composing our glorious confederacy should ever
come, it requires >:o prophet to predict the result.
The Union would fall beneath the weight of re
volution and blood, and fall, I fear, to rise no
more. It was formed in the hearts ofthe Amer
ican people—it can only lie preserved in their
hearts.—When any very large [xirtion of its in
habitants look upon it as oppressing and degrad
ing them—when they cease to revere it as the
legacy of Washington and the inheritance of the
blood of the revolution, its vitality will be gone,
and empty parchments, though aided by military
force, can never" hold it together. Hence, we
see the abolitionists, of the North denouncing it
as “covenant with hell,” ami hence we hear the
disunionists of the South inflaming the hearts of
the jieople against it, announcing that they have
been degraded and oppressed by it, and prepar
ing eventually to overthrow it. They are wise
men, they *nilerstand the workings ofthe human
heart, anil they well know that when the heart
feels that wrong, indignity and insult have beeri
heaped upon a man, unless he be indeed a craven
spirit, a blow will follow. Prepare the hearts
ofthe people to hate the Union of their fathers,
and the battle is won—they arc ready to light
against it. Hence, believing as I do, that tlie
late compromise is such, in the language of the
Georgia Platform, “as she can in honor abide by,”
1 have used every effort in my power to stay
this ceaseless and ruinous agitation North and
South, and to keep the constitution and the
Union where our fathers erected them—firmly
on the foundation of the people’s hearts.
I am, very respectfully, your ob’t serv’t.
HOWELL COBB.
Messrs. John Rutherford, N. Bass, R. A. L. At
kinson, and others.
[Telegraphed for the Charleston Courier.]
Columbia, August 18, 10 p. m.
There was little life in this market to-day, and
sixteen bales were sold at an advance of from an
eighth to a quarter of a cent, Quotations range
from 4J to 8 cents.
AUGUSTA, GA.
WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 20.
For Governor.
CHARLES J. MCDONALD.
For Congreu—Eighth District,
ROBERT McMILLAN, of Elbert.
Ihe'IARGEST CIRCULATION IN THE STATE.
Our correspondents are requested to ex
ercise patience. We have many communica*
tions, proceedings of public meetings and sketch
es of stumps speeches which we will find room
for in whole or in part, as fast as possible.
We are cheered in our labors by the most
marked tokens of approval and support coming
to us from all sections of our State. We feel in
creasing confidence of success for our cause as
new evidences of zeal and enthusiasm are
brought to our notice. We are firmly convinced
that the Southern Rights Party is gaining
strength daily.
Mr. Toombs’s Speech on Saturday Evening.
This honorable gentleman, on Saturday night,
put us in mind of the Devil in a Drum , in one of
bis bellowing moods. He walked to and fro,
upon the capacious platform, and fretted away
about an hour and a half, as if he thought the bill
of mortality which his effort would make would
be frightful to contcmjilate. His bill of mortali
ty proved, however, to be a farce , and instead of
slaying his intended victims he only amused
them. He was evidently diseased with passion;
and, it is wonderful, that a man of bis sense
should forget that, under its influence, it is the
easiest thing in the world to sink from the sub
lime into the ridiculous.
The truth is, there is but little to reply to, as
to what he uttered, for it was a deluge of words
with a drop or two of argument. Shoitly after
he commenced speaking, the moon rose in queen
ly beauty over a house to his right, and, in look
ing upon its serene and beautiful face, we could
but think that if there really is a man upon her
surface, and he coultf see Mr. Toombs, he must
have been impressed with the fantastic tricks
which an American Congressman can sometimgs
play upon the earth. The honorable gentleman
looked ill out of the eye , and seemed to be tvicked
ly inclined. He tried to be, upon editors, what
the Steam Doctor said he was upon fits, viz:—
“he was hell on them.” There was this differ
ence between Mr. Toombs and the Steam Doc
tor. The latter killed his patient, while the
former left his to give him dose for dote. We
were among his intended victims, and it >s our
lot to physic him for it.
1 he‘'masked battery” has certainly made
him a monomaniac on the subject of the Union.—
He swore lustily that he saw thing* in wHe
and things in black, spectres, hobgoblins, &c.,in
the horrid shape of ditunion in every path that
he trod I He said it was true, that the Southern
Rights Paity, generally, pretended to be in favor
of the Union, but it was all a blind to cover over
their treachery t o the Union of General Wash
ington. They were for disunion last fa'l, he said,
but now they were for the Union in pretence.
t If there were a dozen candidates for the Con
vention last full, who were in favor of disunion,
we have yet to learn their names. If Mr. Toombs
were to traverse the State of Georgia to find
Southern Rights men, candidates for office, who
are for disunion, now, and if he were to stake his
judgment, or veracity, upon being able opro
duce the names of a dozen such, he would be
come an object for charity and alms before con
cluding the search. Still he fired away inoes
santly from the masked hai.eiy, but after such
fashion as to excite contempt for his guns.
Either his powder was wet, or his ordnance de
fective. His intent was not the less deadly,
however, because his voices proved to be squibs
instead of thunders , Ids loading, toads instead of
bullets.
We looked around to see who was stunned
when, in one of his broad sides, he said Southern
Rights men were traitors to their government. His
report was feeble upon this point, owing, doubt
less, to the cold water which his own denuncia
tions of the government, in the winter and spring
of 1850, poured in the touch holes of h's pitiful
artilleiy. Some of our Southern Rights friends
were a Kile vexed, at first, by his charge, that
they had swallowed their own words; but they
soon regained their equanimity, upon remember
ing that Mr. T., after awfully denouncing the
masked battery , swallowed it, fortifications, guns,
ramrods and all, with but slight symptoms of
choking.
Southern Rights men have swallowed their
own words indeed! What did Mr. Toombs say
about the Mexican laws ? He said that the South
was excluded by them, and would be till their re
peat ! He said in his speeches all over the coun
try, in 1848, that if those laws were not repeal
ed we must fight; and what sort ot a fighter has
he proved to be! Why, Congress refused torc
jteal the Mexican laws, Mr. Toombs swollotved
his big words about fighting, and now, like the fel
low who was whipped over l ,; s clothes, swears
that they shant take off his shire. What a no
ble specimen he is, of the Southern chivatiyjl
How boldly he can place hm-self at the head of
a supjiosed majority of the people here, backed!))’
the united North.
If Southern Rights men are traitors to the
Government, Mr. Toombs is a traitor to the
South. Which is the more admirable character,
he who is a traitor to a corrupt and tyrannical
Free Soil Government, or he who abandons the
rights of his own section?
Ihe North, like a bloated harpy; feeds upon
the South, and denies her justice; and Mr.”
Toombs, like a glutton after his greasy meal, is
l anointed all over from the political toilet tabic of
that ravenous harpy! He turned upon Southern
Editors, and attacked them as these fellows, who
were doing so and so. We could but think, that
whatever Mr. Toombs was, before he went to
Congress, he has come out ot that school of man
ners, a very decorous fellow himself. The use of
the epithets liar, and sccunlrd, and salutations
with the fist, are common in Congress Hall. We
submit it, then, to every candid man, if it is not
moderate in Mr. Toombs to confine himself to the
term fellow ? The genuine fellow is known by
his vulgarity. Let him wear it whom the cap fits.
Mr. Toombs said, some papers die of poverty,
and he had heard of one that died of prosperity.
There was more truth in the remark, literally
than he would have had his hearers believe. It
was the prosperity of the Republic, in part, that
induced the proposition to be made us for the
AUGUSTA WHOLESALE PRICES CURRENT, AUQ UST 20, 1 85 1.
JkKTICI.es. CKR WHOLESALE. PUTT. i|
BAGGING—Gunny j.... }f® » 20 ** cent
Kentucky..J 1 00 (gj 00
BALE ROPE—Jute TT.fc. 9 2a p cent. ■
Kentucky......
Side* i *H@Hi J2O pet.;
Shoulder* )
BCTTER-Goshen, prime ; lb. 23 ® i 2O I >cftnt -||
BEESWAX U* @ i
CANDLKS-SpermaccttiJ.... 40® «|
Georgian made V‘ ®l6 P cent.
Northern | "a Vi „ 20 f> ct.
CHEESE-Northern ® ® °J* .
COFFEE—Cuba I 10 ® H4O cent.
Rio 10 ® 11
Java 14 @ J* Lf re e.
Laguayra 1.... 00 ® 11
. f SHIRTINGS, bro., 3-4; yd. « '» “0
“.’7-81.... I® 00
I brown, yd. wide 1 .... 8 @ 8
SHEETINGS, br0.,6-41.... 12 @ J®
bleached. 5-4.... p ® } 8
3 CHECKS 11 1®
| BED TICK 10 @ 1J
« OSNABURGS, Boz •}? @ “ i
YARN, (assorted)..... Hi- ; 20 i
FlSH—Mackerel, No. 1... bbl. 12} , 1
Do. No. 2 11 _ !i
Do. No. 3 < fa) 20 pet ,
FLOUR—Canal 8 i J
Augusta Canal 8 ) „ .*i
Georgia, good 6 Q ij Mp ct. ,
FEATHERS—Live Geese. ,Hj- 00 ® 33 J
GRAIN —Corn, loose bus. 00 @1 00 Joqp c t ;
Do. sack 105@1 10 J * j
Wheat— Good White.!.... <& 1 25 I
Do. Red '. -. 00 |l.jo petj
GUNPOWDER keg & ®-> 2u 11 ■
HIDES—Dry |.... *6s®i 30 ® ct.
Dry. salted ).... O®lo | e
IRON Pig • 100: 0 @ 00 30 p cent.
Swedes, assorted.. i.tonj 4jj aj 4] 30 cent.;,
ll«‘*P 100 6 & ®J3O ft ct. I
Sheet -fc- l°iffi Hl)
Nail Rods ....j 5@ 6
LEAD—Bar MOO 6 @ 7 Ijop,,*
White Lead H® ® I ‘
LARD f.fc. 13 @ 14
MOLASSES—Cuba gall 25 ® 20
New-Orleans .... @ 40 I yy c *
NAILS—Cut. 4d. to 30,1. I 350@4 00 ) * s
union of that and the Constitutionalist. The Re
public had nearly forty-five hundred subscribers i
when the announcement was first made, that the
union would take place, and received an addition
of, at least, five hundred more before that an
nouncement could have been generally known.
What kind of a sign was that 1 What kind of a
sign does the. union of the two papers present,
with a list of nearly ten thousand subsctibers?
That exhibits a death by prosperity, which, we
opine, atfords no pleasant contemplation to the
modern Hamilear. Instead, now, of swearing his
constituents upon the attar against the General
Government, he is engaged in trying to sweai
them to eternal hostility to the Southern Rights par
ty, and the Augusta Republic, living or dead I
For our reply to Mr. Toombs’s arguments, (so
far as lie used any.) we refer the reader to our
comments upon the Letter and Speech of Mr.
Cobb. We saw no difference between the doc
trines of the two. Mr. Toombs admitted the
right of a State to secede, but reminded her of
the bayonet and the halter, in her attempt to do
so. This is the legacy of State sovereignly aud
liberty, lett us by our ancestors, in the opinion of
the modern Hamilear. There is this difference
between the ancient and modern Hamilear. The
former stood by his altar till his death, while
Mr. Toombs, under cover of a Fillmore flag,
pulled his down, sneaked off tilth it, and buried
IT UNDER THE “.MASKED BATTERY.”
We doubt whether a Homeric Lyre, high
strung at that, could do justice to Mr. Toombs's
merits. To cap the climax of his flights of ge
nius and fancy, he said that his doctrine now was
the doctrine of the Nullifitrs and State Rights
men of thirty-three, and has been their doctrine
from that day to this!!! When he made that
remark, we involuntarily leaned forward to get
a full view of his face. There was no giving
way, however; it was marked with unparallel
ed effrontery!
Mr. Toombs was a Nullifier, a Disuniouist, a
State Rights mar in thirty-three; he is a Con
solidationist in ’sl, and has been CONSISTENT!!
The audience looked astounded)
There was no applause for that remark. As
we feel a little abashed, even now, at his un
blushing declaration of consistency, we shall drop
the Subject and Mr. Toombs together, for the
present, with a closing remark or two. Not the
slightest symptom of applause was given Mr.
Toombs or Mr. Cobb, when they declared the
right oi the Federal Government to coerce and
bayonet the people of a seceding State. The
stillness of death prevailed over the audience,
who seemed horror-struck at their bloody-mind
ed sentiments. If any coincided with them,
they did not dare to give it an audible manifesta
tion. In conclusion, we must say that the
contrast between the bearing of Mr. Cobb and
Mr. Toombs, reminded 11s of the difference be
tween the courteous gentlemaft and the cultiva
ted savage.
[jy “ Izzard ’’ was not received till yesterday,
and too late for this week’s paper. It shall ap
pcar in our next.
Georgia Home Gazette.
We have only room to-day to call attention to
the Prospectus of the above Literary and Family
Journal, to be published in this city by Major
Robt. A. Whyte. His attainments and qualifica
tions for the entciprize guarantee its utility and
merits, and we trust its eminent success. We
shall notice it more fully hereafter.
New Books.
We have received the following from the pub
lishers, D. Appleton & Co., New York:
First Book of Oratory : By E. C. Marshall.
The selections are in prose and poetry, and
made with taste and judgment.
Passages in the Life of Mrs. Margaret
Maitland, written by herself.
For sale by Thos. Richards & Son.
Jane Young of Tugalo.
This unfortunate woman, whose conduct while
here, and at Athens, impressed many with the
belief that she is a monomaniac, has been tried
at Clarke Superior Court for assault with intent
to murder, and found “ Guilty.”
We presume the evidence did not show want
of sanity to that degree as to render her irres
ponsible for her actions to the criminal laws of
the country. But no dispassionate mind can
doubt that her intellects have become unsettled,
and that she is more an object of compassion
than of vindictiveness. It is unmanly to cherish
the latter feeling towards a woman so helpless
and unhappily situated. It may be she is a dan
gerous woman and should not be allowed to go
at large. But if bolts and bars, and a prisoner’s
cell are to be her doom, we think the Lunatic
Asylum is a more suitable place for her than the
Georgia Penitentiary. There is not a single
woman in the latter at this time. Th's shows
the rarity of felonious crimes among our female
population, and is very creditable to the gentler
sex. It is also, perhaps, evidence, in part, of the
merciful forbearance and gallantry of out citizens.
AtTICLBS. . jPEkWHuLkjALE.; DUTY.
! OlLS—Sperm, W. Strained 1 60 fl> 1 70^free! J
Full Strained r 30 % 1 40 ;
Summer do.. * /.V. .1... 100@ 112
Linseed bbl.o 90 @ 1 00 20 p cent. ]
Tanners O 60 @ 0 00
Lard 1 00 @ 1 X2|
! POTATOES bbl.'S 00 ® 3 50l I, (
■i PIPES '....'0 C 3 ® 100 l si
i! PORTER do* 2 25 ® 3 sot ! .
pepper lb 010 @ i2C
PIMENTO j 016 ® 0 00|
RAISINS—MaIaga, bunch. box:0 00 ®275 I,„ ; 1
Muscate ;0 00 %OOO} 40 P ,
RlCE—Oordinary 100 3 75 (a« 4 00
Fair ....,4 00 (a) 4 501
Good and Prime 0 00 @ 0 00
( French Brandies gall I 50 (a> 2 00,100 p ct. |( ]
Leger Freres 2 75 (a; 3 OO ' <
I! Holland Gin $.. ..jl 25 <jg 1 50.100 ? ct.
ji s- American Gin........' |0 38 (oj 0 40;
2 Jamaica Rum 150 @ 2 00100 p ct. jj <
r N.E. Rum. lihds/t bblsj... ~0 34 (ct 037
f yj Whiskey.Phila. ic Balt ... .'0 28 @ 032
Do. New-Ofleana.. .... '0 28 (a} 0 32‘
Peach Brandy ! 100 (eg 1 25,100 P ct. i!
| SUGAR—Cuba Muscovado . Jj. 0 6 \ (w 8 00!
P. R. he St. Croix .... 0 7 @
Havana, white.. j....» 00 @ 00
New-Orleans ... '0 7(Q 30 P ct. ] j
Clarifie«i Brown 0 @ 0 9
W'liite..,bus.'o *J (a) 0 9J
Lump .fl}. 010 (6g 011 no
SALT—Liverpool Jl 20 125} M ** ct
Loose 10 00 @ 0 40;
SOAP—American, yellow, sack 0 5 fa) 0 630 p cent
.SHOT—AII sizes L ... 162@175 20 p cent.
1} SEGARS—Spanish .M. 20 00<cl30 0040 p cent.
TALLOW —American |0 9 @ 0 10 10 p cent.
TOBACCO—Georgia .]b- 000{w 0 00) I n .
Cavendish ... .0 ‘22 (w 0 50: j v ct * l!
TWlNE—Bagging ....j0 18 0251onvy ct ||
Seine L.,.|0 30 @ 0 50, ll
; TEAS—Poucliong jo 50 @ 0 75 j
Gunpowder* Imp. 1 . ... 0 75 (d> 1 00 ! [
Hyson L... 0 70 % 080 [ rrec '
Young Hyson i !0 70 (c£ 075 J
WlNES—Madeira gall.i2 00 2 25 30 P cent.
Claret, Marseilles cask 025 @ 0 60’40 p cent.
Do. Bordeaux dot |3 00 @ 3 50 40 p cent
Champagne 1.... 900 @ls 0040 p ceoL
ll Malaga '... .‘0 50 @ 0 6240 p cent.lj
j Kentucky Election. —The dispatches in our
1 Northern exchanges, (says the Charleston Cou
rier, of the 19th instant.) relative to the result of
the election for Governor of this State, are very
contradictory. One dated Louisville, August 14,
states that additional returns received increase
Dixon’s majority to nearly four thousand, and
that nearly every County had been heard from.
While two others of the same date and from the
same place, to the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser
say, that it is now asserted that sufficient returns
have been, received to confirm the election of
Lazarus W. Powell, Democrat, as Goveruos, and
that Archibald Dixon, the Whig candidate, is
unquestionably defeated, as Powell’s majority
will range from five to fifteen hundred.
The Proi-osed Steam Line to Galway.—
Subscriptions in behalf of this object have been
received in New York lo the amount of *.170,000.
and assurances have been given that $250,000
will be taken in Ireland. Total, $420,000, which
is more than will be requisite to build the first
vessel. Subscriptions will be received until
SBOO,OOO, or enough to build two vessels is secur
ed. The success of the enterprize is regarded as
ce.tain.
A Duel. —An affair of pistols and ten paces
came off on the 7th inst., in the neighborhood of
Vicksburg, (Miss..) between Col. Walter Brooke,
of Nevv-Orleans, and Judge Red. of Holmes
county, (Miss .) Judge Red's ball touched the
light side of Col. Brooke above the hip, glanced
around the back, aud fell to the ground. In ac
cordance with the terms previously agreed upon,
hostilities then ceased. The affair grew out of
a political speech made by Col. B.
The Vicksburg Sentinel of the 9th inst., no
tices the departure of several small parties from
that place cn route lor Cuba. The Sentinel says:
“ We have some idea of the pluck of those
who left Vicksburg; and if they get into a con
test with old Spain's troops, the Cuban liberators
will find most efficient aid in them. They left
with our national banner, the stars and stripes,
waving over them ; while the music of the fife
and drum, and the cheers of the crowd that had
assembled to see them off, reverberated in the
air. We wish them that success which we feel
assured wi'l attend them.”
Senatorial Candidates in Scriven.
We decline publishing the long article sent us
l>y Mr. Willis Young, of Scriven, in reference to
his candidacy for the Senate, and to his opponent,
Mr. Cooper. It is a controversy hurtful to the
Southern Rights cause, and can please but few,
and must disgust most of our readers. We pre
fer to publish the proposition below, which we
copy from the Savannah Georgian, emanating
trom highly respectable citizens of Scriven.
which, if adopted, will settle the difficulty in a
fa’r and sensible manner.
The following notice we find in the Savannah
Georgian, which we hope will call forth a meet
ing that will produce unanimity among the South
ern Rights men of Scriven and old Bulloch. All
they want to secure their candidate is unanimity
in a nomination.
Notice. —We the undersigned, members of the
Southern Rights party, unite in requesting each
district in Scriven count/, to send two delegates
to Sylvania, on the first Monday in September
next, for the purpose of selecting a candidate to
represent the 7th SenatoriayDistrict in the next
Senate of Georgia. We hope that by our friends
meeting and counselling together, the party
might be induced to haimonize and unite on one
man, which would ensure the defeat of any and
every candidate, which might be run by the Sub
missionists.
R. M. Herrington, Peter Reddick.
George Oliver, Homer M. Beauford.
W. G. Faligant k W. J. Maner,
Alexander Kemp.l J. Laton Singleton.
August 4, 1851.
’ [communicated.]
To the Southern Rights Party of Columbia Couniy
Hear me for our cause, and be silent that you
may hear. The impending election in Georgia,
and the county of Columbia, is pregnant with
important and intrinsic results. If the party of
Mr. Cobb is to prevail, under the special auspices
and potency of the names of Messrs. Toombs and
Stephens, the days of State Rights and State So
vereign y are at an end; hence the great and para
mount importance of an earnest beginning in
the present crisis. If we desire the continua
tion and perpetuation of those long cherished
views, which the Republicans of Columbia have
ever entertained in reference to the rights of the
States and of the people, the present period de
mands the sacrifice of every personal predilec
tion, and an avowed determination, on the part
of the Southern Rights Republican party, to sus
tain no- man who refuses to stand upon the Re
olntions of ’9B and ’99, and the political tenets
deduced therefrom. The crisis demands firm
ness and stability of action, and let no man falter.
It is an incoherent incompatibility for a man to
aver being a State Rights man, and sustain the
Federal coercion doctrine of Cobb, Toombs and
Stephens, by voting for the two former. It is
palpable inconsistency, which is, to oar mind,
irreconcilable. The interest of the party, then,
Bank Not* Table.
Augusta Insurance & Banking Company ~'..par.
Bank of Augusta
Branch State of Georgia. Augusta t»"
Bank of Brunswick a
Georgia Rail-Road
Mechanics' Bank u
Bank of St. Marys
Bank of Milledgeville u
Bank of the State of Georgia, at Savannah l:
Branches of ditto u
Marine &. Fire Insurance Bank. Savannah
Branch of ditto, at Macon a
Planters Bank. Savannah -
Central Bank of Georgia u
Central R. It. & Banking Company, Savannah t:
Charleston Banks
Bank of Camden u
Bank of Georgetown. a
) Commercial, at Columbia... * a
Merchants', at Che raw. u
Bank of Hamburg. u
Tlm^e Nutes ;: •'".v:::::::::* @ t**.
Tennessee » @ 5 dis.
NOT BANKABLE
Merchants’ Bank, at Macon.*
exchange
Boston ‘*
Charleston and Savannah nar.
Lexington. Kentucky ~ u ’
Nashville, Tennessee ....! 44
STOCKS.
j Georgia, 6 percents par.
♦Not taken by our Banks, hut redeemable at the Plant
; era’ Bank, Savannah, at par.
Savannah Chamber of Commerce.
ROBERT HABERSn.VM. President
C. GREEN. Ist Vice-President.
EDW D. PADELFORD, 2d Vice-President.
OCTAVUS COIIEN, Secretary and Treasurer.
in Columbia county, is to nominate its own can
didate, and support none unless he is weighed in
the balance and found equal to the emergency.
There is no use, or common sense, in voting for
a man, and perchance elect him to goto Mil
ledgeville and choke us with Cobbism and its (i
nefarious tendencies; nor can any man consis- ■
tently claim our doctrine and vote for Cobb and ™
Toombs, according to our understanding. To
keep our party respectable and worthy of sup
port, we must operate from principle—vote for
no man unless he is thoroughly identified with us
by vote and prineijde. The doctrine of merely
voting for a man to distract, divide and defeat
his own party, is, to speak in the most charitable
language, a dangerous precedent, replete with
evil effects. Let us abandon all such thoughts,
and rally upon some pure and devoted advocate
for our rights , our honor, car properly, upon fair ,
constitutional terms , and with a full belief in the
right of peaceful secession , (i)ul no coeriii'ii , and our
progress is coward , conquering and <o conquer.
More anon. Peyton.
(communicated.) *
According to previous notice, a }>orl ion of the
Southern Rights Pai „y of Richmond county, as
sembled at the Ur : ted States Hotel, on Monday
Evening, 18th inst.
On motion, James 31. Smythe, Esq. was call
ed the Chair, and Wm. I). Davidson request
ed to act as Secretary. &
The object of the meeting being explained,
that of giving a public Barbecue in this county,
on Tuesday, 2d September, 'o Rube,, McMillan,
Esq., on the occasion of Ins visit amongst us.
On motion of Janies Garduer, Jr., Esq., a com
mittee of finance, consisting of two from each
ward in the city, and live from the county was
appointed 1 a collect funds for the purpose of de
fraying expenses.
Committee. —lst. Ward, James Gardner, Jr., W.
W. Montgomery.
2nd. Ward—H. D. Bell, Wm. R. McLaws.
3rd. Ward—l. D. Mathews, Wm. V. Ker.
4th. Ward—Wm. M. Bell, John Glendinning.
From the county—Thomas Brandon, Joseph
Graves, Wm. Sch'ey, L. T. Shopp, and Thomas
Hack'e.
On motion, a ComvnuLec of Arrangements,
consisting of seven was ap|»inted, to wit:
Hugh McLaws, Robeii A. Whyte, Dr. Wm.
E. Dealing, Alexander Deas, Col. Turner Clan
ton, T. W. Fleming, and Henry D. Greenwood.
The several commiUees were, on motion, re
quested to meet at the United States Hotel, on
Thursday evening, at 8 o'clock.
There being no fui .her business, the meeting
adjourned.
JAMES 31. SMYTHE, Chairman.
Wm. D. Davidson, Secretary.
LATER FROM EUROPE.
ARRIVAL
I From the New York Herald , Kith ms/.]
The Shortest Passage ever made across the At
lantic ! !!
The U. S. mail steamship Baltic, Capt. Corn
stock, arrived at her dock this morning, at a few
minutes pest six o clock, in nine days awl thirteen
hours from Liverpool! being the shortest passage
ever made across the Atlantic !
The Baltic brought 148 passengers, and a val
uable cargo. f
The Baltic received the mails off t; George’s T
Landing Stape, at Liverpool, at 4 o'clock, on \1
Wednesday afternoon, 6th instant, and passed }
out of the North Channel. Saw Cape Race at
midnight on Tuesday, 13th inst.; took a pilot on
board 223 miles east of Sandy Hook, at 11 A. M.
on Friday, 15th, and arrived at Canal street at
six o'clock this morning.
We have but time to give the latest commer
cial and financial in' dbgence at this late hour,
our but Evening Edition will contain the details
of the newr and be issued at 12 o’clock.
London, Wednesday, 1 o’clock.
3lakkets. —Consols, money, 961 a 96J; Three
and a quarter Per Cents, 99 75; Exchequer Bil's.
£4S 46; Do. £4B 9.
Liverpool Cotton 3larket.— Monday, Aug.
4. —The salei since Friday amount to 17,000
bales, of which 9,000 are taken on speculation
and for expoi t. To-day sales are 3,000 bags.—
The market is steady at the prices of last week.
The arrivals since Friday are 12 vesse's from the
Uni'fd States.
Havre Cotton Market, Tuesday, Aug. 5.
The Cotton market to-day was more calm, with
out variation in prices. Sa'es up ’) two o’clock,
98 X bales.
Corn Markets —Liverpool, Tuesday, Aug.
S-- —The supplies of British grain and flour a’O
still small, but from foreign pasts we have Oad
this week liberal arrivals, pas ticu'arly of wheat
and flour. Os the 17,693 qrs. of whe* [ , 0,6u9
qrs. are from the United States. 4,940 qrs. “ om
the Mediterranean, 1,274 qrs. from Trance,
qrs. from Holland, 659 qrs. from Denmark,
qrs. from Archangel and 1,030-l rs - fromDanczit.
We have received 42,001 bbb. of United
and Canadian, and 2,388 and sacks ol t rench
flour. The week’s impivt of Indian corn isi IV
043 qrs., and the export 7,283 qrs. Me have