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September 12, !■, 37 ,f
VOL. I.
THE ISSUE.
“ He who will not reason is a bigot, lie
who cannot reason is a fool, and he who
dares not reason is a slave.”
I he design and effect of the recent acts of
Congress are to increase the number of slaves
in the existing States of the South, and to di
minish the number of whites. The Texas
bill provides for the transfer of the territorial
rights or claims of that State to New Mexico,
down to the line of thirty-two on the Rio
Grande—down to the line which divides the
United States and Mexico. And this gives
to New Mexico, population and territory
i enough for a large State, and insures her ad
i mission as a State by the next Congress, or
at the next session of the present Congress.
This bill passed after the inhabitants of New
! Mexico had proclaimed the exclusion of slave
ry. \\ hen New Mexico is admitted as a
! State, therefore, the avenue of slave emigra
| tion by land into all the new territory will be
effectually closed. And as the boundary of
California, a free soil State, is also extended
down to Mexico on the Pacific, all access to
the inferior by sea, is also effectually barred
against slave emigration—for it cannot pass
through free soil States. The consequence
is, that whites may emigrate to all the new
States and territories, but slaves cannot,
i And as many Southern slaveholders were
waiting until these questions were settled
to go to California, they will now be com
pelled to sell their slaves before going, in
stead ot taking them, as it was their wish
and interest to do.
Now it needs no argument to prove that
no policy could he more disastrous to the
South than to increase the blacks and diminish
the whites within her borders. Since the
passage of these acts, we have conversed
with a number of the most intelligent men
from the South, particularly from Virginia,
who tell us they are now waiting to see
whether (he South will protect herself. If
not, they are determined to emigrate, asthev
cannot think of leaving their families and
fortune to the fate which those measures will
bring upon them. And we predict, that un
less prompt redress and security are obtained
bv the Soutii, there will be a stampede of j
her white population.
‘I here is another process now going on |
equally fatal to the South. ‘Flic Federal i
Government, having become the enemy of j
Southern institutions, is engaged in sowing i
dissensions among her people. Federal pa- j
tronage and power are employed to secure I
the support of the border States, which have j
least interest in slavery, thereby to detach |
them from tiie common cause of the South, j
l iie present cabinet, consisting of seven
members, contains three from slaveholding
States, one from \ irginin, one from Kentucky, I
ami one irom Louisiana. The first nominees
•i .Mr. i illmore did not include a single per
son Irom a planting State. Subsequently
one was selected from Georgia—that State j
having given a\Y big vote. But Mr. Jenkins
declined. Louisiana, the only planting State
represented in the cabinet, is the one usually j
the least sensitive of them on the slavery j
question. Look now at our foreign missions. i
V\ e have nine of the first class, of which the
South has five, Mr. Rives of V irginia, to
France; Mr. Brown of Tennessee to Russia;
Mr. Barringer of North Carolina, to Spain;
Mr. Letcher of Kentucky, to Mexico; Mr.
Fey ton of Louisiana, to Chili; none from
the planting States, except from Louisiana,
and all remaikable for their proclivity to
Northern rather than Southern policy. Front
the North, we have Mr. Lawieuce oi Massa
chusetts, to Lnglund; Mr. Barnard of New
Vork, to Prussia; Mr. Marsh of Vermont,
to Turkey, and Mr. Tod of Ohio, to Brazil.
W e have sixteen half missions or Charges,
of which the South has five, Mr. Clay of
Kentucky, to Portugal ; Mr. Clemson of
South Carolina, to Belgium; Mr. McClung .
of Mississippi, to Bolivia ; Mr, Harris of Vir
ginia, to Buenos Atres, and Mr. Steele of j
Maryland, to Venezuela. The North has j
the residue, vrz.: Mr. Folsom of New York, ;
to the Netherlands; Mr. Forward of Peitnsyl- ;
vania, to Denmark; Mr McCurdy of < on
nectieut, to Austria; Mr. Cass of Michigan,
to Rome; Mr. Morris of Pennsylvania, to
-Sicily; Mr. Cushing of Indiana, to Equador; 1
Mr. Foote of New York, to New Grenada; ;
Mr. Schroeder of Rhode Island, to Sweden,
and Mr. Kinney of New York, to Sardinia,&b.
Now the Federal Government was estab
lished to manage our foreign affairs, and in
time of peace our foreign commerce is the
principal object of concern abroad. In that
commerce, the cotton States have a greater
interest than all the other States together, for
they supply the greatest part of our exports,
by which foreign goods are procured. They
are nearly one-fourth of all the States in
number, yet they are without a single minis
ter out of the eight of the first class abroad,
and have but two out of sixteen of the sec
ond class, and one of them, Mr. Clemson,
was appointed by Mr. Tyler. In this way
are the honors of the Federal Government
conferred on those States of the South, the
least identified with the South, and having
the most affinity with the North, and on that
particular class of politicians the most Na
tional, that is, Northern, in the favored South
ern States. The system of exclusion thus
running through the Cabinet and the foreign
missions, comprising more than thirty of the
highest offices of Government, cannot be the
effect of accident, but will be understood by
all who reflect on the events of the last five
years.
If the cotton States are excluded from the
honors of the Federal Government, they are
equally excluded from its expenditures. The
appropriations this year amount to fifty mil
lions of dollars. We have already seen how
those States fare in the Civil and Diplomatic
bill. In the Navy bill, which appropriates
about nine millions, the cotton States get
about nothing. There are five navy yards
for the construction of vessels—Kittery. in
Maine; Boston, in Massachusetts; New York
City; Philadelphia; Washington and Nor
folk —the two latter only in the South, and
both in tiie Federal Goshen of the South.
The iron, timber, cordage, provisions and
clothing for the navy, are produced chiefly by
the North. The sailors are taken from her
crowded and dissipated cities. So as to the
Army bill. The soldiers are recruited where
sailors are obtained. Their food, clothing,
arms, ammunition, are chiefly produced
i there. And the army is chiefly stationed on
the Northern and Western frontier. Then
there is the whole Indian appropriation bill,
of which the cotton Suites get but little.
It may, with a close approximation to ac-
®!jc Soutljern Sentinel.
curacy, he assumed that the States which
j produce more than half the exports of this
country, with which we obtain our imports
i and revenue, do not receive, in the disburse
ment ol that revenue, two millions out of
fifty.
Such, then, is the action of this Govern
ment—extending its territory, multiplying its
officers, and swelling its expenditures, and
controlled by a sectional Northern majority,
that confiscates the territorial rights of the
S South, that appropriates the revenue chiefly to
itself, but devotes a portion of its money and
its honors to divide the South, and to seduce
l one portion from the other, lest, if united,
they might assert and defend their rights.
Hence, we behold in these border States,
some abject manifestations of submission,
and even rejoicing at the recent monstrous
acts of aggression against their own section.
Hence, we see their newspapers calling aloud
for Union and for jobs—their politicians for
harmony and for office.
But let us not do the people of the border
States injustice. Os course, they’ cannot re
main unaffected by the misrepresentations of
the city papers, and the arts of ambitious
politicians, but they still remain devoted to
their rights and institutions. Virginia has
now about half a million of slaves. The
resolutions of her Legislature were almost
unanimous in favor of Southern rights, and
from what we can learn, her people are ready
to stand by the other Southern States, and
will meet them in council.
Kentucky, which is regarded as the least
jealous of Northern aggression, has recently”
rejected all schemes of emancipation what
ever, and will never isolate herself from States
of kindred institutions. But neither Virginia
nor Kentucky will take the lead in measures \
of redress and safety, for the reasons we ;
have shown. Virginia, we think, will eo. !
operate promptly, and Kentucky ultimately. j
Upon the cotton States, then, will depend j
the task of first asserting the destiny of the
great system of Southern civilization—that sys
tem which has achieved a higher condition for
the two races respectively which belong to it,
than any other. The cotton States are more
vitally concerned in the issue, and are less in
terested in the favor of the Federal Govern
ment, and subject to more of its burthens than I
the others.
Those who support, and those who con- j
nive at, or submit to, Northern aggression,
rely on the attachment to the Union as the
guaranty of all acts of Federal power, and
the barrier to all measures of redress. But
so far as the love of Union is rational and sin
cere, it will not stand in the way of the rights
of the States. It will be easy for the South
ern States, when they meet in council, to de
vise remedies for wrong and oppression, with
out impairing any of the legitimate functions
of tlx.) Union. And such remedies will be j
proposed. When they come to be acted on, I
we shall be able to distinguish those who |
love the Union for the rights it protects from
those who adhere to it for the plunder it may j
give. And if the North shall reject reason- j
able terms of redress, of safety and equality, I
the cant of loving the Union will stand ex- \
posed—and the spell be dissolved.— Southern
Press.
[From the Augusta Republic.]
Extracts from Speeches of Mr. Toombs.
“ Those causes have brought us to the
point, where we are to test the sufficiency of
written constitutions to protect the rights of
a minority against a majority of the people.
Upon the determination of this question will
devoid and ought to depend the permanency
of the GOV ERA M E NT.”
(In this, Mr. T. evidently calculates the
value of the Union.)
“Our security under the constitution is
based solely upon good faith. There is
nothing in its structure which makes aggros
sion permanently impossible. It requires
neither skill, nor genius, nor courage, to per
petrate it; it requires only BAD FAITH. I
have studied the histories of nations, and the
Characteristics of mankind to but little pur
pose, if that quality shall be found WANT
ING in the FUTURE ADMINISTRATION
of our atm affairs.”
(That BAD FAITH to which Mr. Toombs
alludes has b6en perpetrated.- He contends,
slaveholders will have no right to hold their
slaves as such, in the territories acquired of
Mexico, till Congress repeals the Mexican
anti-slavery law.- He declared that the gov
ernment was bound in good faith and duty to
repeal that law. He admits that said law has
not been repealed. How then can Mr.
Toombs consistently occupy the position he
now does, and how could he have arrived at
the conclusion, publicly declared at the meet
ing on Monday week last, that “ ALL the
CONCESSION has been made by tiie
NORTH”)
“ It is a fraud on our rights to permit
them, (the Mexican laws,) to remain to our
prejudice.”
(Well, as before stated, Mr. Toombs him
self declares, that they have been left unre
pealed.)
“ Our next and last acquisition was Cali
fornia and New Mexico. They are the fruits
ot successful war. We have borne an equal
share of its burdens — we demand an equal
participation in its benefits. The rights of
the South are consecrated by the blood
of her children. The sword is the title
by which the nation acquired the country.
The thought is suggestive, wise men will pon
der it, brave men will ACT UPON IT.”
(What “ participation ” have we obtained
of the “ benefits ?”)
Mr. Toombs, alluding to the claim for pro
tection to Southern rights, said: “I can see
no reasonable prospect that you will grant it.”
(Has it been granted—has it not been de
nied ?)
“ I STAND UPON THE GRE AT PRIN
CIPLE, THAT THE SOUTH HAS A
RIGHT TO AN EQUAL PARTICIPA
TION IN TIIE TERRITORIES OF TIIE
UNITED STATES. I CLAIM THE
RIGHT FOR HER TO ENTER THEM
WITH HER PROPERTY, AND SE-
C URITY TO ENJO Y IT. SHE WILL
DIVIDE WITH YOU, IF YOU WISH
IT, BUT THE RIGHT TO ENTER
ALL, I SHALL NEVER SURREN
DER, AND THAT WE WILL MAIN
TAIN THE POSITIONS THERE
LAID DOWN.”
(But has not Mr. Toombs “ surrendered”
that “ right to enter, &e ?”)
“ I SPEAK NOT FOR OTHERS, BUT
j FOR MYSELF. Deprive us of this right,
; and appropriate this common property to
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 21, 1850.
yourselves, it is then your government, not
mine. Then lam its enemy, and I will then,
if I can, bring my children and my constitu
ents to the altar of liberty, and like Hamilcar,
i I would swear them to eternal hostility to
i your foul dominion. Give us our just rights,
and we are ready-, as heretofore, to stand by
j the Union, every’ part of it, and its every in
! terest. Refuse it, and for one, I WILL
| STRIKE FOR INDEPENDENCE.”
(Brave words, but there is sometimes a
j great difference between talking and acting!)
! “This cry of Union is the masked bat
j tery from behind which the Constitution and
I the rights of the South are to be assailed.”
“ Let the South mark the man, who is for
i the Union at every hazard, and to the last ex
tremity. When the day of her peril comes,
he will he the imitator of the historical char
acter, the base Judean, who, for thirty’ pieces
of silver, threw away a pearl richer than all
his tribe.”
“ If the people of Georgia understood
THIS SLAVERY QUESTION AS WELL AS l DO,
THEY WOULD NOT REMAIN IN THIS UNION
FIVE MINUTES.”
This very ery of Union is now the masked
battery from behind which the constitution and
rights of the South ARE assailed.
The people, every where, are hearing Mr.
Toombs’ views now. He has fallen a little
in his tone. It will he for the people to de
cide whether his reasons for it are satisfactory.
[From the Augusta Republic.]
Extracts from Speeches of Mr. Stephens.
“It is my object at this time to speak
upon that measure, which some gentlemen
are pleased so call the ‘ compromise bill,’ but
which might he more properly entitled arti
cles of capitulation on the part of the South.
So far from being a compromise, the bill pro
poses nothing short of an abandonment of
the position of the South, and a surrender of
the just rights of her people to an equal par
ticipation in the new acquisitions of territory.
The surrender was covert, but it was no less
complete and absolute.”
This extract is taken from Mr. Stephens’
speech, against what was termed the Clayton
compromise, and which was killed by the
votes of Mr. Stephens, and seven other
Southern Wlygs. Mr. Stephens entitled that j
compromise articles of capitulation on the ;
part ot the South. lie proceeded to show !
that such was the case, and said, “ It was no
compromise in any sense of the word. A
compromise is a mutual yielding of rights, !
for the purpose of adjusting and settling dif
ferences and difficulties. 13ut in this case,
there was no such mutual concession. The
whole question was to be left in the last re
sort to the Supreme Court of the United
States, upon whose decision the party was
either to get all or lose all. And entertain
ing not the slightest doubt, that under it the
South was to lose all, I adopted the speediest
and most effectual means of defeating it.”
(Now has there been a mutual concession
by the North and the South, in the late settle- j
ment of the difficulties in which Mr. Stephens j
acquiesces ? And again, is not the question !
left by it to the decision of the same Supreme j
Court of the United States?)
“ Then, sir, what are we of the South to j
gain by this compromise ? Nothing but what j
we would have even with the Wilmot pro
viso. The poor privilege of carrying our
slaves into a country where the first tiling to j
he encountered is the certain prospect of an j
uncertain law suit, which may cost more than |
any slave is worth ; and in my opinion, with
the absolute certainty of ultimate defeat in
the end, and with no law in the meantime to
protect our rights of property in any way
whatever. This, sir, is the substance of the
compromise, even in the most favorable view
that can be presented. And this is the securi
ty of the South which I had the temerity to
reject! Would that the people of that sec
tion may ever have men on this floor of such
temerity ! I did reject it; and I shall con
tinue to reject all such favors. If I can get
no better compromise, I shall certainly never
take any at all. As long as I have a seat
here, I shall maintain the just and equal rights
of my section upon this as upon all other
questions. 1 ask nothing more and shall
take nothing less. All I demand is, common
right and common justice; these 1 will have
in clear and express terms, or I will have
nothing. I speak to the North, irrespective
of parties. 1 recognize no party association
in affiliation upon this subject.”
By the recent settlement we .are no better
off We do not obtain the just and equal
rights of the South which Mr. Stephens said
lie should maintain. “ Nor shall Ihe awed
os.intimidated in the discharge of this high
duty, by any of the trembling alarms of the
official organ, that the ‘Union is in danger;’
that unless agitation on this subject is quieted,
the ‘ free soil movement’ in the North will
sweep every thing before it, and that the gov
ernment itself will be endangered. Such ap
peals may have their effects upon the hearts
of the timid. I am, myself, not quite so easi
ly’ terrified into a surrender of my rights and
those of my constituents.” “ And no alarms
about the Union, or the ravings of brainless
scribblers and heartless demagogues, who
croak and prate upon subjects on which they
are profoundly ignorant, shall ever cause me
to shrink from the open and fearless main
tenance of it, even though I may stand soli
tary and alone.” “ I repeat, lam no enemy
to the Union—and I am for its preservation ■
and its perpetuation, if it can be done upon
principles of equality and justice.” “We
have heard but little from gentlemen from
that section, for eight months past, but eulo
gies upon the Union.” “If they expect the
South to make all the sacrifices, to yield every
thing, and to permit them to carry out their
sectional policy under the cry of ‘ our glori
ous Union,’ they will find themselves most
sadly mistaken. It is time for mutual con
cessions.”
“ And no people, in my judgment, who de- ;
serve the name of freemen, will continue
their allegiance to any government which ar
rays itself, not only against their property,
but against their social and civil organization.”
“ And whenever this government is brought
in hostile array against me and mine, I am
for disunion —openly, boldly, and fearlessly
for revolution, I speak plainly. Gentlemen
may call this ‘ treason’ if they please, Sir,
epithets have no terrors for me. The charge
of ‘ traitor’ may he whispered in the ears of
the timid and craven-hearted; it is the last
i appeal of tyrants.”
(These remarks of Mr. Stephens are very
■ applicable to some who are croaking and
prating about the Union at the expense of
the rights and honor of their own sections.
Some of those who are now called ultraists
and traitors may not have received the light
which Mr. Stephens has, and under the influ
ence of which he sings now a different song.)
“In other words, we say, if you cannot
agree to enjoy this domain, let us divide it.
\ou take a share, and let us take a share.
And I again submit to an intelligent and
candid world if the proposition is not fair and
just ? And whether its rejection does not
amount to a clear expression of your fixed
determination to exclude us entirely from any
participation in this public domain.”
“ But if you deny those terms —if you con- J
tinue deaf to the voice of that spirit of jus
tice, right and equality, which should always
characterize the deliberations of statesmen, I
know of no other alternative that will be left
the people of the South, but, sooner or later
to ‘acquiesce in the necessity’ of ‘holding |
you, as the rest of mankind, enemies in war
—in peace, friends.’ ”
We close for the present. Mr. Stephens
will find it difficult to reconcile his former
with liis present views. Both he and Mr.
Toombs will fail to show that they have not
yielded at the point, which each declared j
should be the time for resistance. More ‘
hereafter.
Mr. Toombs.
Will some of the friends of this gentle
man inform the public, what were the wrongs
of the South, that from the first Monday of
December last, till within a few days past,
excited his indignation ? He has talked
about “letting discord reign,” swearing like
Hamilcar, “upon the altar of his country,”
for equality of independence, &c. For
months, he has talked like a Southern man
and acted like a Southern man, except a lit
tle too shy. In common with every body
else, that we have heard name the subject,
we had supposed, that all this indignation
was occasioned by Mr. Clay’s surrender bills.
Yet he voted for them all, except the Califor
nia bill. Worse than this the Washington
papers report him as having said in the de
bate on the Utah bill on the 7th, in reply to
Mr. Seddon :
“ The gentleman had spoken of outrage
committed on the South. There could cer
tainly be no outrage connected with this
legislation. So far as that was concerned it
was perfectly satisfactory. The gentleman
was not justified in saying that an outrage
was committed upon the South. If any
outrage had been committed upon her, it had
been done by her own sons.”
Really we cannot fathom Mr. Toombs’
devotion to the South. It is too profound for
our comprehension. We ask for light.
It is rumored here that his breach with the
Northern Whigs has been healed, and that
he has been received again into favor at the
White House. But what has that to do with
the patriotic “IJamilcar’s oath?” Why
should that blot out the declaration of burn
ing indignation, “let discord reign ?”
Again we ask for light.— Fed. Union.
Product of the Calilornia Gold Mines.
It is estimated that California has sent into
the world, during the past two years, full one
hundred and fifty millions of dollars worth of
gold dust, which has been distributed as
follows:
Production of Goldin California to August, 1850.
Shipped to the United States, : : §30,000,000
Taken to Oregon, by miners, : : 10,000,000
Taken to Mexico, by miners, : : 20,000,000
Taken to England, through Mexico, 15,000,000
Taken to England, via Panama, : 20,000,000
Shipped to South America, : : : 25,000,000
Shipped to Sandwich Islands, : : 5,000,000
Shipped direct to Eng., via C. Horn, 10,000,000
Shipped to other parts of the world, 15,000,000
Total, ::::::: §150,000,000
It will be seen by this, that hut a small
portion of the product, up to this time, has
reached the United States.
The Territories.
The annexed statement was prepared at
Washington before the admission of Califor
nia into the Union, and includes the territory
of that State, as well as all other Territory of
the Republic not as yet organized into States :
Table,showing the estimated surface of the Territories
of the United States, north and west of the regular
ly organized States of the Union, and the portions
of Territory thereof,situated north and south of the
parallel 36 deg. 30 min. of north latitude.
I
j
Oregon Territory —Bounded north by the parallel of 49° north latitude
south by the parallel of 42* north latitude
east by the Rocky Mountains
west by the Pacine Ocean
Territory north and west of the Mississippi River —Bounded north by the parallel of 49° north latitude..
south by the State of lowa and the Platte river
cast by the Mississippi River and the States of lowa and Missouri
west by the Rocky Mountains
Balance of old Northwest Territory —Bounded north by the British line
south by the Mississippi River and Wisconsin
east by Lake Superior and Wisconsin
west by the Mississippi River
Indian Territory —Bounded north by the Platte River —south by the State of Texas
east by the States of Missouri and Arkansas
west bv Texas and the Rocky Mountains
California and New Mexico —Bounded north by the 42° of north latitude
south by the Mexican boundary
oast by the Rio del Norte, etc
west by the Pacific Ocean
North of 36° 30'. j South of 36* 30’.
Square miles. Acres. Square miles.j Acres.
| 321,695 205,894,800! 201,383 130,805, 120|
l 190,505 121,923, 200 1 59,346 37,341 ,440-
i 22,336 14,295,040!
‘1 *
, < 723,248 462,878,720!
1 311,463 218, 536, 320 1
I I j
1,599,2471 1,023,518,080) 262,729 168,146^60
Military Strength ol'the Slareholdiiig States.
Letter from Gen. Felix Houston.
(Correspondence of the Georgia Telegraph.)
Natchez, Sept. 7, 18f>0.
Same. J. Ray Dear Sir: I am much
gratified at jour estimation of my views its
to the military strength of the slaveholding
States, set forth in my letter to the Nashville
Convention.
“ From some cause or other only five hun
dred copies were struck oft’—which, of course,
cannot give general publicity. I really think
that this matter should be understood in every
neighborhood, and then there will be no dan
ger of panics which may lead to the destruc
tion of our property.
“I also fear that a mistaken want of con
fidence in our strength leads many to take
connsel from their fears and pursue a timid
course, which will utterly ruin and destroy
them.
“ You ask my opinion as to the position of
Mississippi. I will give it candidly. The
people of this State are more generally
united than those of any State except South
Carolina.
“For a time, when propositions for com
promise were made in Congress and Senator
Foote sanctioned them, there was a disposi
tion to wait, under the belief that “ compro
mise” must mean mutual concession and ad
vantages. But hardly any could realize that
under so popular a name, measures should
be proposed which would effectually debar
the people of the Southern States from par
ticipating in any of the advantages of the
Territory conquered from Mexico without
leaving their slave property behind them.
“As this fact is made manifest tliat the
whole drift of the compromise, or the bills
passed separately, is to forever exclude the
slaveholder, the public mind is busy in calcu
lating the result of this state of affairs. They
are satisfied that it will be most deplorablv
ruinous.
“ All see that if California is admitted with
the exclusion of slavery in her onstitution,
she carries with her the balance of the Ter
ritory. No one can point to a slaveholder
who is foolish enough to move to Utah or
New Mexico. Thousands upon thousands
will move to California if they could do so
with their slaves—but to go to New Mexico,
to have their negroes appeal to the laws of
Mexico, and sue out a “ habeas corpus” to
be tried before judges to be appointed by an
Abolition President, would be too great an act
of Folly for any sane man to commit. And
then he would know that even if the courts
should decide the Mexican laws not to be in
force, Congress stands ready to pass the
Wilmot proviso the moment they deem it ne
cessary to exclude slavery.
“Set it down, that if the South submit
to these monstrous aggressions there will
never be another slaveholding State admitted
into the Union. A child can make the cal
culation as to what will be the fate of sla
very.
‘ “ You may rest assured Mississippi will be
as staunch in support of the principles she
has avowed as any State in the Union.
“You speak of the course of New Orleans
as shown by the papers. I do not believe
that the State of Louisiana will support the
compromise bill collectively or separately.
The upper part of that State is as sound as
the State of Mississippi, and I have under
stood that the citizens of French descent may
be relied on ; but it is hard as yet to speak
with certainty, as New Orleans is nearly one
third of the State and has great influence, and
the overflow of the Mississippi has for a time
paralyzed the State. I reside in Louisiana
and feel confident that she will be ih a short
time alongside of her Southern sister States.
“ You refer to the course pursued bv
Speaker Cobb. I read his letter with great
pain. To insist on the doctrines of “ non
intervention” at this time is to insult our un
derstanding. When the door was open for
the admission of slavery into the Territory,
we could not get “ non-intervention”—but
now when the door and every avenue is clo
sed against us to ask us to support “ non-in
tervention” tef keep the door shut is prepos
terous.
“ Propositions are made with reference to
time and situation. When Mr. Webster made
his great speech at Baltimore, in which he
stated that till the North wanted was sta
bility in our tariff laws—the tariff was high
—now when the tariff’ is lower ho does not
want stability,-he wants change. Who blames
him ? His propositions were made for a pur
pose. We had a purpose when we proposed
“ non-intervention,” and the most of those
who now proclaim that it is the true “South
ern doctrine” would not go with 11s. No at
tempt was made at the Philadelphia Conven
tion in favor of “non-intervention.” But
when “intervention” has done its work we
are asked to ratify it by “ non-intervention.”
“ Intervention” began before the Territo
ries were acquired by the attempts to annex
the Wilmot proviso to the three million bill
and to the treaty with Mexico.
“ The refusal of Congress to pass territo
rial bills without the Wilmot proviso, and to
establish thereby courts for the protection of
property was “ intervention.”
“ The passage of the Wilmot proviso in
the Oregon bill was “intervention.”
“ The instructions of Northern Legisla
tures to their Senators and Representatives to
vote for the Wilmot proviso, and against the
admission of any more slave States, was “ in
tervention.”
“The assumption of Northern adventurers
not attached to the soil, who had never laid
a rail or built a house, of the rights to make
a State Governmentin California and exclude
slavery, was most unconstitutional “ interven
tion.”
“ The most glaring act of thirteen thou
sand voters of all languages, colors and
countries, not three thousand of whom would
have been entitled to vote under the most lib
eral franchise law of any State in the Union,
by which they undertook to exclude slavery
from ten degrees front on the Pacific and
from an area sufficient to make six States,
was most insulting, unwarrantable, and un
constitutional “ intervention.”
“The action of the Executive Department
of the General Government, in sending
agents’ and turning the officers of our army
into emissaries, to excite a gold seeking rab
ble, to form a State Constitution, wiien it
was known that the slaveholding Suites would
have no voice therein, and their rights des
troyed thereby, was a most gross usurpation
and unconstitutional “ intervention.”
“ Why, sir, we have had nothing but “ in
tervention” for the last three years.
“ Why, sit, the lukewarmness, the support
; of usurpations, and the treachery of South
ern statesmen has been “ intervention” and
I tended greatly to exclude slavery from the
Territories.
“ And now when “ intervention” has done
its work, wo are told that it if; a violation of
i our own doctiine of non-intervention for us
| tb seek to remove any of the barriers which’
| have been thrown in oUr way.
“ Ami forsooth, our honor will he saved if
the North will magnanimously be content
I with all the Territories cohqiiered : from Mex
ico and bribed from Texas, and not pass the
W ilinot Proviso.
“Our honor was gone when the Wilmot?
Proviso was annexed to the Oregon bill, and
j 1 do not see how it can be redeemed by stttl
j titying ourselves now, by applauding the
miserable tricks and jugglery which are for
: ever excluding us from our Territorial rights.
“ As for mvself, sir, I am openly for secies
j sion. Ido not think that the North will at
tempt to use force to compel a political con
nection which they have esteemed above the
i most narrow-minded prejudices. But if they
do, we will whip thenvhito their senses. Very
truly, FELIX HOUSTON.”
Practical Measures ot Resistance-
The agreement of the planters of St. Hole-’
na to withhold their custom from Northern
I coasting vessels, has created something of a
| sensation in Charleston. It is seen at once
to be a practical measure, perfectly easy to
carry through and naturally laying the foun
dation for a train of defensive measures, each
one of which will at the same time strength
en us and weaken those who assail us. Half
the power of the North to assail the South,
consists in the vast number of points at
which they haVe been allowed to fasten upon
the everyday movements of our trade and
business; while much pf the weakness and
distraction of the South has arisen from the
incessant disturbing force of Northern in
fluences'that have penetrated everyhere, al
ways awake, active, - all moving in conceit
and all thoroughly hostile to the people, on 1
whose substance they fatten. The following
brief communication of “A Planter,” shows
how wide is the Md sot the operation of the
defensive measures we speak -of, and how
much we can do by efficient local combina
tions to cut asunder bonds’ that in the pres
ent condition of things are shameful fetters
rather than fraternal ties.
There is no serious obstacle to the gradual
and sure deliverance of the South from these
injurious connections. Fot the coasting
trade, we are not without means to conduct
it, while with suitable encouragement, North
Carolina would furnish a fleet of efficient
coasters, sailed bv as intelligenf and trust
worthy a body of seamen as the country
produces. They would come among us
as friends, and their profits would go for the
enrichment of a State having a comnlon po
sition and'destroy with ourselves.
We are equally sure, under proper manage
ment, of abundant supplies of all the arti
cles enumerated by our correspondent. Os
those, too, North Carolina might furnish
much, while the wide and fertile farming re
gion of Upper Georgia, will soon overflow
with the ahundance'of its varied agricultural 1
wealth. We have but wisely to encourage
and systematize trade and intercourse with
our nearest neighbors and natural friends, to
find out how unnecessary is our dependence
upon a distant and liostile people.— Chas;
Mercury.
Messrs. Editors: “For good and suffi
cient reasons me thereunto moving,” I have
determined hereafter to use
No Northern Coaster to carry my crop.
No Northern cloth for my negro’s clothing.
No Northern shoes, if other can be obtained.-
Nor Northern soap, candles, flour, or (Ohio)
Bacon.
No Northern potatoes, cabbage, fruit oh hay.
No Northern butter, cheese ot preserved
fish.
No Northern refined sugar.
And, in fact, nothing that is produced at
the North that can possibly be procured
from any other region ; and I would respect
fully suggest the same course toothers that
will be pursued by k PLANTER.
[From’ the Ma'eoh Telegraph.)
Northern Dependence.
To form some estimate of the'extent to
which the North is involved hr Southern pros
perity, let us for a few moments consider the
shipping. Deducting the whaling attd fish
ing tonnage from’ that owned by the North,
the official tables give us 1,009,750 register
ed, and 1,322,475 coasting tonnagej more
ilutn three-fourths of which are employed in the
exportation of Southern produce. The sum
of freights resulting from the transportation
of cotton in 1848—9, amounted to $16,969,-
682, and of other articles $2,467,749, all of
which went to Northern ship owners. The
American tonnage in 1848 was 2,461,250;
allowing fifteen dollars per ton, the outward,
inward and coast freight between the North
and the South was $64,107,056. two-thirds
of which originated from Southern produce.
The outward freights consist of the staple
produce of the country, seventy-five per cent,
of which is Southern: the inward freights of
merchandize, on which Northern shipping
makes a freight, Northern importers and
Northern jobbers their profits, and Southern
property pays for it. The estimates of tho
profits of the North by Southern cbhneiJtion
have been thus reckoned :
Freights of northern shipping on southern pro
duce, - - - - - $40;i86,r?28
Profits derived on imports at the
north for southern account, - 91000:000
Profits of Exchange operations, - 1 ,00b;000
Profits on northern manufactures
sold at the south, - - 22,250,600
Profits on Western produce de
scending the Mississippi, - - 10,000,000
Profits on northern capital employ
ed at the south, - G,000,000
Total earnings of the north per an., $88,436,728
Statistical truths are generally very dis
tasteful, and therefore, no more will be given;
suffice it to say, that the above estiVnateS are
very small. Such are a very- few of the ad
vantages reaped by the North from its Con
nection with the South, while we groan under
the pressure of an unjust tariff, imposed 4 for
the protection of their manufactures; as if
the poor man cared whether he wore English
or American cloth, provided he could get
cheaper than the other. It is not my pur
pose to rake up the Nullification difftcultSes ;
though if I did so, much might be said about
the Injustice of this tariff system, Where all
the advantage goes to one section of the
country to the injury of the other/ I*f a dis-i
solution of the confederation should take
place—and indeed, such an event is not very
unlikely to happen—--free trade is evidently
the policy of the South : we can get all we
want which we have not within our own
boundaries, from England much cheaper
than from the North, and whenever we choose
to enter the arena of manufacture, experience
shows that not even England with her cheap
labor can contend with us, free as we shall
be from all freights, duties and commissions
NO. 13.