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SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, OCT. 17, 1850.
MUSCOGEE COUNTY
Southern Rights Ticket.
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
Hon. ALFRED IVERSON.
Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD.
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
WILLIAM Y. BARDEN.
STEWART COUNTY
Southern Rights Ticket,
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
Du. J. W. STOKES.
WILLIAM NELSON.
Du. WM. E. WIMBERLY.
JAMES IIILLIARD.
tTT Our readers will please excuse the scarcity of
editorial matter in this issue. The editor has been
confined by indisposition, disqualifying him altogether
for the duties of his post. He hopes, however, to re
cover in time to enter actively into the contest for
Southern Rights bt fort'the next publication day.
To Correspondents.—“J. C. R.” came to hand.
Thank you, sir. No objections to hearing from you
again. “J. A. T.’s” wishes shall bo attended to, if
practicable.
O’ Hon. J. M. Berrien has our thanks for vari
ous public documents of value.
O’ We thank the Savannah Georgian , for New
York papers, received by the new steamer Florida ,
one day in advance of the mail.
Judge Wellborn.—We have received, at an
hour too late for publication in to-day’s paper, the ad
dress of the Representative from this district to his
constituents. YY e shall certainly lay it before our
readers as soon as possible, and till then, as an act of
justice to the gentleman, we withhold all comments.
A Significant Fact.
We have frequently had our attention attracted to
the evidences of the alarming progress which this
government is making towards abolition. What but
this is indicated by the following fact ? On the 21st
of December, 1848, Mr. Gott, of New York, intro
duced into the House of Representatives, a resolu
tion instructing the Committee on the District of Co
lumbia, to report a bill as soon as practicable, prohibit
ing the slave-trade in the District. This resolution
was adopted by a vote of 98 to 87, and so great was
tho excitement among the Southern members, that
they immediately met in convention, and prepared
an address to the people of the South. The effect
of this prompt and decided movement, was, that
Gott’s resolution was immediately reconsidered, and
rejected. Eighteen months had scarcely rolled
round, and again wo find a bill pending before Con
gress, prohibiting tho slave trade in the District.
Nay, it is more than a bill prohibiting the slave trade ;
it is a bill abolishing slavery itself, to a certain extent.
Well, this bill becomes a law, and what is the con
sequence ? YVe hear of no more indignation meet
ings of Southern members. But we hear of congrat
ulatory meetings, the firing of cannon, and speeches
from the more hardy of our recreant Representa
tives. Docs this mean nothing ?
Southern Rights Convention for the County of
Muscogee.
Thß Convention of Delegates from the various Dis
tricts of Muscogee county, appointed to select candi
dates to represent the Southern Rights Resistance
party of said county in the State Convention to be
held at Milledgeville, on the 25th day of November
next, assembled at the room of the Southern Rights
Association, on Tuesday, 15tli inst., at 12 o’clock. M.
On motion of A. S. Rutherford, Esq., H. F.
B*eed, Esq., of Glenn’s District, was invited to act
as President of the Convention ; and on motion of P.
A. Clayton, Esq., Mr. Rutherford was appointed
Secretary.
On motion of Joqx Forsyth, Esq., the Districts
were called and the Delegates in attendance request
ed to report their names—whereupon, the following
Delegates appeared to be present:
Glenn's District. —L. D. Monroe, J. D. Howell.
Capt. M. D. Johnson and 11. F. Sneed.
River District .—Robt. Chapman and YVyatt
Smith.
Russell District. —Caleb Natier, John Morris,
J. J. Hunter and Col. Owen Thomas.
Eighth District.—'Sl. M. McCrary and Joseph
Dent.
Ninth District. —John Huff and W.w. R. Rub
bell.
Upper Toicn District. —Hampton S. Smith,
John Forsyth, A. S. Rutherford and John A.
Jones.
Lower Town District. —Joseph S. Morton and
P. A. Clayton.
The Convention then proceeded to canvass the
names of various persons who had been suggested as
suitable candidates, and after a free and unreserved
interchange of opinions, the following ticket was
named, adopted by acclamation and recommended to
the support of the Southern Rights party of the
county:
Hon. ALFRED IVERSON,
Maj. JOHN H. lIOYVARD,
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD, Esq.,
WM. Y. BARDEN, Esq.
On motion, thfiji>llowing CommiUee wife appointed
Chair, to inform the candidates of their
nomination to Ihe highly responsible and honorable post
of standard bearers to the Southern Rights Party of
Muscogee County, in their common effort with their
brethren throughout the State, to uphold the honor
and the rights of Georgia and the South in the
arduous contest with the Federal Government, the
Submission Party at the South, and the Abolitionists
of the North.
Hampton S. Smith, Esq.; Col. Owen Thomas;
A. S. Rutherford.
The same Committee were empowered to fill any
vacancy in the ticket that might occur through ac
cident, or non-acceptance.
The utmost harmony pervaded the Convention
during its session, and but one feeling was manifested,
that of an ardent desire to rescue their beloved coun
try from the condition of peril and degradation to
which a bigoted fanaticism, and a tyrannical abuse of
the Constitution, by Congress, had reduced it.
On motion of H. S. Smith, the Convention then
adjourned, sine die.
H. F. SNEED, President.
A. S. Rutherford, Secretary.
The following letter, in reply to a letter, by a Com
mittee of the Town Delegation, makiug the enquiry
of the writer, if he would accept a nomination, was
read to the Convention by J. Forsyth, Esq.:
Columbus, 15th Oct., 1850.
Gentlemen :—ln reply to your note, of this morn
ing) I have to eay, that I will not accept a nomination,
as a candidate, to represent the Southern Rights j
Party in the State Convention. Perhaps, it is well
to add, that I shall not be a candidate, either with or
without a nomination. Very respectfully,
JAMES N. BETIIUNE.
Messrs. Clayton and others, Committee.
Southern Bights .Association.
Columbus, Oct. 11, 1830.
The Association met pursuant to adjournment. In
the absence of the President (Col. Leonard,) the As
sociation was called to order by Dr. Hoxey and Col.
Quinn, the Y r ice Presidents.
Charles J. Y\ illiams was requested to act as
Secretary.
On motion of John Forsyth, a Committee of five
was appointed by the Chair, consisting of Messrs.
John Forsyth, William A. Bedell, P. A. Clayton,
John Bass and John 11. Howard, to select four suit
able delegates to represent the city of Columbus in
the nominating convention to be held on the 15th
instant.
The Committee reported the names of Hampton S.
Smith, Wm. H. Chambers, Philip A. Clayton,
and Benjamin F. Coleman, as delegates, which was
unanimously confirmed by the Association.
On motion of R. J. Moses, it was resolved that a
majority of the delegates have power to fill all vacan
cies which may occur in their own number.
Major John 11. Howard being called on, address
ed the Association.
After which, A. G. Perryman, Esq., of Talbot
ton, was introduced to the Association, and in an elo
quent, appropriate and patriotic address, urged the
necessity of resistance to the unjust and unequal
legislation of the last Congress.
On motion of Col. YVilkins, the Association then
adjourned to meet again on next Friday evening.
CHARLES J. YVILLIAMS,
Secretary pro tem.
[communicated.]
Premiums for Essays.
Mr. Editor —At the Fair of the Muscogee and
Russell Agricultural Society, to be held in the city of
Coiumbus, on YY'edm-sday, the 20th day of Novem
ber next, it has been determined to award premi
ums, for the best Treatise on the subjects herein af
ter stated. To facilitate that object, I have thought
proper to announce the names of the gentlemen
comprising the various committees, to whom com
munications may be made at any time before the
Fair, and who will, on that day, decide to whom the
premiums shall be awarded for the best Essay. It
will be seen by reference to our advertised list, that
there are to be many other premiums awarded, for
all which competent committees will be appointed and
announced on the morning of the Fair. YY T e hope,
that this, our first effort , will meet with favor from
all, and especially the ladies.
The Committees are as follows :
011 making and applying manure, suited to South
ern crops and culture, Messrs. Jno. YY’oolfalk, P. 11.
Wildman and Geo. W. Jones.
Cultivating corn in the South, Messrs. Y T an Leon
ard, Anderson Abercrombie and Hines Holt.
Cultivation of cotton, including the picking and
packing, Messrs. James R. Jones, E. B. Eisliborne
and James Chapman.
Treatise on the farm, by a youth of Muscogee or
Russell, Messrs. James Abercrombie, B. A. Sorsby
and George Hargraves.
Raising fruit of all kinds in this section of the
country, Messrs. Jno. G. YY'inter, John J. Boswell
and Jas. Kivlin.
The culture of flowers, by a lady of Muscogee or
Russell, Messrs. Chas. A. Peabody, Theophilus Stew ■
art and Robt. A. Ware.
Management of the Cow in the South, Messrs.
Charles Cleghorn, Thos. J. Shivers and Joel E.
Hurt.
JAS. M. CHAMBERS, President.
[FOR tiie southern sentinel.]
Consolidation.
Mr. Editor— One of the most prominent features
of the last session of Congress, and one too which
the South should mark as significant, is the great ef
fort on the part of Congress and the Executive, to
increase the power of the “Federal Government,”
at the expense of State sovereignty. With what suc
cess their efforts have been crowned, will be seen by
glancing at the enactments of the session. The pro
digality of this Congress has been the subject of se
vere comment by some few presses in the country,
but by far the greater number have either said very
little about it or failed to notice it at all.
The most formidable of these measures, I believe
to be the passage of the “Bounty Land Act.” This
bill bears upon its face the unmistakable features of
a bribe to the South. For it is a well known fact,
that a very large majority of the recipients of this
“bounty” are residents of the Southern States, and
its passage is designed to keep quiet that spirit of re
sistance to the aggressive legislation of abolitionism,
which was being manifested throughout the South.
The Washington correspondent of the New York
Journal of Commerce, under date of October, in
speaking of “State affairs,” holds the following lan
guage :
“The Bounty Land Act is a groat measure for the
consolidation of the Union. The distribution of fifty
millions ot acres ot the best public lands to individuals
throughout the States, must have a strong tendency to
wards a firm consolidation of the federal system. A
vast number of individuals, are thus, directly or indirect
ly, enlisted. by interest and gratitude, on the side of the
Union. The ten thousand State agencies which must,
as Mr. Stuart properly suggests,be employed to prepare
and forward the claims of the ‘old soldiers,’ in order to
save them from expense, in obtaining a patent—will al
so help to strengthen the Union by rendering so many
dependent on it. Mr. Stuart recommends country agen
cies, but there must be an agent in every town or town
ship also. It will require four years to finish up half of
the business. Ten thousand agents, paid by the States,
a salary of only five hundred dollars each, will cost on
ly twenty million of dollars : but, still, the sum thus
.mud. will interest a number of persons in favor of the
Union. Then, again, the Act cannot be executed with
out the creation of a number of additional Government
officers—which also tends to give prominence to the
Uniqn interest, over that of sectional interests. ‘Where
a man’s treasure is, there will his heart be.’ Every
measure of the national Government is a measure tend
ing to its consolidation ; for it is impossible that a mea
sure, not of national character—though it may be of dis
puted policy—can pass both Houses and be approved by’
the President.”
YY hoever has read the letters of this correspondent
of the Journal of Commerce, during the last session
of Congress, could hardly fail to notice the stamp of
authority which has characterized his remarks on
public and the general correctness of bis con
clusions, as to the success of certain measures, then
pending in Congress. From this, it is fair to infer,
that the writer is in some way connected with, or has
the means of knowing the views and wishes of the
powers that be.” Be this as it may, the views he
has expressed in the above extract are true. The in
evitable consequence of distributing in the way pro
posed some fifty millions of acres of public lands
among the different States, and the creation of the
thousands o f State agencies , to prepare and Jor
ward the claims of the “old soldiers,” besides the
increased number of Government officers, would be,
“to give prominence to the Union over that of sec
tional interests.’’
“A vast number of individuals are thus directly
or indirectly enlisted by interest and gratitude on
the side of the Union.” There is no attempt here
to disguise. The fact is openly avowed ; the object
of that act is to bind with a golden chain a “vast
number ’ of our fellow-citizens by interest and grat
itude, to aid the Federal Government to crush the
South. YY hat are we to understand by interest and
gratitude ? What interest , and for what should
this vast multitude be grateful to the Union for that
we all do not hold in common ? There is but one
answer to these questions, and that is, Gold! Says
the Government, we give you gold—give us your
votes. We confer upon you honors—give in return
your support—cry long and loud for the glo-ri-us
Union—it matters not what you have said or how
you have voted heretofore—“interest and gratitude”
should both prompt you to stand by your benefactor.
Government not satisfied with buying up members of
Congress, in order to carry out its infamous plans,
is now offering bribes to the people—curses on a gov
ernment so corrupt, and woe to the people that tol
erate its existence.
I designed this communication should be brief.
My object is to call attention to the sentiments con
tained in the foregoing extract. I believe every
Southern man ought to be made acquainted with
them, for a more barefaced attempt to bribe a people
never emanated from any government, and yet there
are those among us who defend the act 1 Esau’s
race is not yet extinct.
Respectfully, yours,
PENN.
[communicated.]
Dear Chambers : I have read with peculiar in
terest two letters recently published, one from Bishop
Soule, and the other from Bishop Andrew ; and I
must say that nothing has more encouraged my hope
of the final triumph of the Southern cause. YY’hen
such men as these speak—when the latter feels jus
tified in departing from a rule of ministerial conduct
of forty years’ standing that he may speak, there
must be a cause—and known as they are to the
country, their opinions will require no endorsement.
Most heartily do I subscribe to every sentiment ex
pressed by these reverend gentlemen—most gladly
do I welcome their lessons and bid them God-speed
in the propagation of such sentiments.
But, sir, my main object in intruding upon you is,
to invite attention to tho letter of Bishop Andrew,
and the construction which submissionists are placing
upon it. If there is one line of submissionism in his
letter, I confess I am too ignorant to discern it.—
If there is in it one single principle which the Colum
bus Enqiurer has hitherto (at least during this
contest) sustained, or the slightest connection between
its editorial commendation and the letter itself, we
cannot see it.
Has the Bishop said one word about the justice or
injustice of the General Conference? Does he al
lude to his own case, or intimate an opinion of its
right or wrong ? Has he said one word, either pro
or con, of the connection of Church or State; or
any where “put the seal of his condemnation on any
such attempt ?” That he, in common with protestant
Christians, would oppose every such attempt, there is
no doubt, but that he has put the seal of condemnation
on it in this letter is another thing. To me the remark
seems peculiarly unfortunate. True, the Bishop has
for forty years abstained from “meddling with political
strife,” and now would not condescend to “intermed
dle with mere party strife.” Yet he thinks that in a
“momentous crisis like that which is now upon us,”
he and all other ministers of the gospel “should be at
liberty to give utterance fully and freely to their con
victions and feelings.” I apprehend that this is
about as much connection of Church and State as
the Enquirer has or is likely to see, and even to this
we suspect him of being opposed. Nor can I see
much better reason for fellowship between these par
ties as to their opinions of the North and Northern
men and things.
The one is open and bold in denunciation; read
the whole of that paragraph in the Bishop’s letter
which relates to the conduct of Methodist papers,
ministers and ecclesiastical bodies East and YY’est. I
shall be astonished if there can be found in the En
quirer, or such papers, a single paragraph resemb
ling it.
If such papers and men have not apologized for,
they have graciously winked at all these things.
Do these parties agree in their opinions of North
ern treachery, and especially of Northern Editors of
Southern papers ? Nor do they more affiliate in po
litical opinions ? The Bishop deprecates war ; who
does not ? But he repudiates it only when it is
avoidable, and so do all good men, but even he could
be provoked “with arm and heart to defend our
selves.”
He deprecates a dissolution of the Union, but does
he intimate that there has been no aggression on the
South ; or does he intimate that he would not dissolve
the Union if other means of redress should fail? —
These are his words, and to them every patriot and
Christian will respond, “Let us exhaust every other
argument and try every other means of redress be
fore we indulge for a moment the idea of dissolving
the Union of the States; and when this catastrophe
comes, if come it must, let it find us at the last ditch,
having tried every peaceable remedy, ready with arm
and heart to defend ourselves.”
Does he say there are no aggressions to be re
sisted ? Does he intimate that the action of Con
gress involves no aggression ? Does he say there is no
remedy but disunion ? Does he advise a tame sub
mission to injustice ? Read this short sentence, “At
any rate let us resolve, as Southern men, to proceed
calmly, deliberately, justly, patiently, in our resistance
to what we deem the unjust aggression of our
Northern brethren.”
Tho editors of the Enquirer, and the party to
which it belongs, cannot stand on the Bishop’s plat
form or embrace bis “creed.”
Their creed is, that no aggression has been com
mitted, that the South may honorably, and ought
peaceably to acquiesce in tbe legislation of Congress.
That there is no remedy and no alternative but sub
mission or rebellion.
I know nothing of the Bishop’s political opinions, but
there is no submissionism in this letter, and the effort
of the Enquirer to manufacture a little capital out of
it, is both ridiculous and Bontemptible. E.
[NEW YORK CORRESPONDENCE.]
New York, Oct. S, 1850.
New York—lts Size and Strength—Annexation
of Brooklyn and Williamsburgh — of 7?;i
provement — Niblo's New Hotel — Tn^Jmnibus
Business.
If one of the old Knickerbockers, who, fifty years
ago, in tights and knee-buckles, perambulated the av
enues of this then juvenile Gotham, could rise from
the tomb, and see tbe glorious oak which has sprung
from the humble acorn, he would lift his hands and
vow that the days of magic had returned. While
the rapid growth and development of America, in
all parts of its wide-spread borders, have been in
credible and inconceivable in the eyes of the in
habitants of the old world ; while forests have van
ished before the axe, and the desert of ten years
since has become peopled with thriving villages and
growing cities ; while every inch of cis-Atlantic ter
ritory has seemed to teem with life and vigor ; no
where, perhaps, has there been a greater increase in
the thews and sinews that constitute national
strength, than in the city of New York. The re
sources of her people, the enterprise of her mer
chants, the skill of her artisans find a parallel only
in the wonderful increase, by means of which,
stretching forth now in this direction, now in that,
she has come to embrace within lier grasp nearly
twenty square miles densely inhabited by human
souls.
The question is, when will New York cease grow
ing ? The landmarks which now mark her length
and breadth, must, necessarily, it would seem, give
way before the torrent which yearly pours its thou
sands into her limits. Propositions have been made
successively, with what result it is impossible now to
predict, to annex to our city Brooklyn and YVilliams
burgh, both situated on the opposite side of the East
river ; it being urged that places whose interests are
plainly the same as our own. and whose sympathies
are ours to so great an extent, should form parts
with us as one great whole. The heavy rate of tax
ation in New York operates as a great hindrance to
this scheme among the people of our sister cities ;
but it is possible that this objection may give way in
view of the superior advantages of police regulation,
&c., which they would then enjoy. Brooklyn has j
a population of about 75,000, while YVilliamsburgh
contains not less than 30,000 ; these numbers added
to the half million which the census will no doubt
give New York, would form the sum of 600,000
souls—a population which would procure for the child
of two centuries quite a respectable rank in point of
size among the offspring of one thousand years, to
which, proud of her antiquity, the old world boast
ingly points.
But even without the junction alluded to above,
New York is no pigmy. There is still unoccupied
in the upper part of our city sufficient ground to
maintain a population which in time may surpass
London and Pekin, and even compare with that of
Rome in her palmiest days. Nor are the changes
which will first have to take place likely to be slow,
or postponed to any distant day. The spirit of im
provement is among us; and he who travels our
thoroughfares need not be informed that the good
work is being actively prosecuted. Private palaces
and magnificent stores are rising in every direction ;
vacant lots are being covered with tenements; work
men of all classes are in good demand, and are sure
of obtaining a reasonable compensation for their la
bor. In Broadway particularly is this the case. T*
enumerate those who are building, or enlarging their
present edifices, would be tedious. We cannot, how
ever, pass over one new building, which promises to
be both an ornament to our city, and a convenience to
the public. YY’e refer to Niblo’s new Hotel, on the
corner of Prince Street and Broadway, a spot so
long rendered famous as the head-quarters of this
admirable caterer for the public. The lower part is
to be laid out in stores, making no less than ten,
with a front of twenty feet, and a depth of forty.—
The upper part will be completed in a style most con
venient for hotel accommodation, and fully furnished
witli all the new comforts and improvements.
YY’e aro of course exposed in New York to the
inconvenience incident to all places of similar size,
that is the difficulty, loss of time, and fatigue occa
sioned by passing from one part to another, to those
who are led by business or pleasure to extreme points.
If this travelling had to be performed on foot, it
would be intolerable; but we have remedied the
evil by means of various lines of omnibuses which
thread the principal streets in all directions, so that,
wherever one wants to go, he can for a sixpence ride
either the whole or a great part of the distance. A
stranger could hardly form any adequate idea of the
importance of the omnibus business in New York ;
the multitudes who take advantage of the conve
nience thus afforded, and the great numbers that it
employs and feeds. A few particulars will not, lam
sure, prove uninteresting to your readers. There
are no less than twenty different routes, on which are
employed five hundred stages, three thousand horses,
and seven hundred drivers. No less than seven
thousand five hundred persons, are employed* in dif
ferent capacities, and make a living out of the busi
ness. Twenty-five millions of persona ride in these
stages in the course of a year, making an annual in
come of $1,500.0U0. Our city has now extended so
much that the omnibus proprietors have been com
pelled to enlarge their routes to keep pace with its
growth, so that some of the stages run a distance of
no less than five miles. The whole number of miles
travelled in the day is about twenty thousand ; a
distance which, if in a continuous line, would nearly
go around the world.
The first line of omnibuses was started about
twenty-five years ago; tbe stages ran hourly, at what
would now be called a snail’s pace, and connected
the lower part of the city, to which the population
was then mainly confined, with a little settlement
called Chelsea, then thought an intolerable distance
“out of town,” but which has since become the
heart of the city. The fare was then twenty-five
cents. YVhat a contrast is now presented ; the same
line now has stages running every five minutes, a
greater distance, and in nearly half the time, while
the fare is reduced to a sixpence. Such is the effect
of competition in business.
Our weather has become quite wintry, and un
fortunately for the poorer classes, there has been
quite a rise in coal. It is now $6 50 a ton, and no
prospect of lowering.
Jenny Lind has been turning the heads of our
neighbors at the East, and has not yet come back.
The splendid new musical hall, it is announced, will
be opened by Madame Bishop and her suite, on
Thursday evening next.
Yours, P. Q.
[YANKEE CORRESPONDENCE.]
Boston, Oct. 6, 1850.
Jenny Lind — Travellers — Agitators — Murderers.
Since my last, Jenny Lind has delivered three con
certs in Boston. You see how naturally I begin my
communication with the migratory nightingale. So it
i; we can hardly think of anything else. She lias
sung a variety of popular pieces from Mozart, Bellini
and other Italian composers ; the Echo Song, the
Flute Song, the Bird Song, and so forth ; and as a
general rule ha* been duly and cordially applauded ;
but not, I believe, so vehemently as at New York.
The Boston people do not seem to be
Fraught with a fury so harmonious
as were their brothers of the empire city. The first
two concerts w*re auctioned—the seats at the Tre
mont Temple let to the highest bidder. In this way
the first brought about $20,000 —the second $15,000,
or so. But the prices are diminishing somewhat and
it is hoped—should Barnuin permit Jenny to stay—
that the “lower hundred thousand” may have an op
portunity of hearing her at a reasonable rate. From
$4 upward is too great a sum to be paid in this coun
try for any entertainment meant to be popular. The
grievance is modified greatly in this ease. Jenny is
such a good creature ; and the greater part of the
money she gets “wanders, lieaven-direeted, to the
poor”—goes in charity, through a great number of
channels. But the same cannot be said of Barnum’s
half of the net proceeds. She is to favor us with
another concert on Tuesday evening, Bth inst. She
is also to sing in the city of Providence, where the
people expect her with impatience. Dodge, of Boston,
was considered by a few carping philosophers, a very
great fool for having given $625 of his spare cash for
the pleasure of paying our Swedish visitor a hand
some compliment. But his amiable indiscretion has
been blotted out by Col. Ross, an express-man of
Providence, who gave $650 for his choice of a seat
from which to hear her at her first concert in that
place!
Our shouts and praises why should Dodge engross ?
Rise, laughing muse, and sing this Col. Ross !
YVho distanced Genin, and gay Dodge likewise?
“This Colonel Ross,” each lisping babe replies !
There ! So much for poetry. Let us come back to
our prose.
Jenny Lind is certainly a great creature. Her
voice is a thing of wondrous flexibility and power. It
is highly cultivated ; but there is a great amount of
naturalness in it. People have called her a bird—
but her song is not exaetly like a bird’s—for she
does not sing her best in the beginning. She comes
to her tones by degrees—and practice seems to lu
bricate her throat. YY’hen I first heard her, I felt that
1 had heard as fine a voice—though, to be sure, there
were tones and a certain compass which belonged to.,
no throat I had ever listened to. But in the next
piece of music—Mozart’s “Non Paventar,” and also
in Quando Laseiai la Normandie—her voice dilated
and multiplied itself in all its unrivalled magnificence.
Her power of running up—culminating into the
high rare atmosphere of vocal harmony, is very
wonderful. You feel, from the sympathetic effort
and gasping of your own. breath, that she has lungs
surpassing the lungs of mortals—that her capacity of
chest is vast —a perfect Cave of Eolus. YY'hat, I be
lieve, every one is first struck with, is, the absence of
effort in Jenny Lind’s singing. She does not heave
her chest or modulate her mouth into shapes.
She stands and gives out the music easily and power
fully. Power and simplicity are the two substan
tives that seem to indicate her best. ’Coming on to
sing, she has no regulated Prima Donna look #r car
riage ; no professional dignity at all. But she has a
happy familiarity of look and gesture which is well
worth all the dignity that ever sat on the shoulders of
Giddons or Sontag. Her look seems to say, “well,
here I am, my friends! YY'hat shall we sing ? What
would you wieh to have ? Oh ! the Herd Song.—
Come, gentlemen of tlie orchestra!” This was the
way she struck me. But there was no levity visible;
an innocent cheerfulness presided over her whole de
meanor. The manner of coming to the front of the
narrow stage at the Tremont, was very taking. You
must know that, not hating any back or side rooms,
they scooped a room for Jenny under the huge
organ that covers and crowns the head of the room.
This organ is several large stairs up from the level;
and through these steps a door was made, with steps
i leading to the temporary cellarage. Jenny and also
I Belletti and Benedict, came up and went down these
I steps. Jenny’s head could be seen from the pit, as
she tripped up upon them ; and when she got to
the top of the stage before her was a small space—like
a lobby. Here I saw that she stepped over or down
something, which called upon her agility; and she
always made the rest of the way in a little trot —a
girlish, good-humored, unaffected movement which
seemed very engaging indeed. Sterne praises Trim
for the graceful way in which, raising his Montero
cap, he bowed to my uncle Toby,. though seated
awkwardly on the ground. But, in carrying off, by
the fascination of her air and carriage, the disadvant
age of the step ladder and the lobby, I think Jenny
has thrown the corporal’s achievement into the shade.
Perhaps your lady readers would like to know
something about the Lind's personal appearance.—
She is far prettier than her portraits—the Daguerreo
types—represent her. Her figure is firm and sym
metrical, and slighter than I was led to think. Her
eyes are grayish, and altogether, seen on the stage,
she has a youthful and prepossessing appearance.—
She affected to tell a Liverpool painter that her nose
was spread all over her face, and that her hair was
like new made hay. But it is no such thing, begging
her pardon ! Her nose is a very good one ; and her
massy fair hair, with the green Scandinavian oak
leaves in it, looks unexccptionably rich and becoming ;
and she seems about twenty-eight years old. Shelias
honored one of our Daguerreotype artists here, Mr.
Whipple, with a sitting for another portrait. Let it
be better than the rest.
The large party of fifteen hundred or so which went
up to Montreal and Quebec, to return the visit of the
Canadians, have come back, and speak in very high
terms of the hospitality and kindness of the Queen’s
subjects. Mr. Burr, of the Mirror of the Lake* ,
through whom all this reciprocity is carried on, is ar
ranging for another visit of our citizens to the prov
inces. It was a happy idea—that of Burr and the
railway proprietors—to agree about the transfer of
people from distant places ; all have been benefited
by the movement. In consequence of it—and also
of Lind’s presence, great crowds of strangers have
come and are still corning to Boston. Tlia keepers of
hotels are reaping a large harvest; so are the pro
prietors of all places of public amusement; so, in
fact, are the shop keepers in general.
Meetings have been held in this State and one in
Boston, anent the Fugitive Slave Bill, and the arrests.
Several intemperate fools have said furious things at
them ; but they are scorned by the good sense of
the community; and their paltry agitation will per
ish.
Two murderers have been hanged at Hew Haven.
One of them, Foote, had violated and murdered a
little girl. Mr. Goodwin, a clergyman, sat up with
him the night before his execution, and witnessed as
stoical a death as innocence itself could die. When
he visited the murderer’s cell, in the evening, he
found him at table with sundry good things before
him. A little after, some portions of scripture were
read. Then Foote began to talk jocosely and vol
ubly with the watchmen who were pacing outside his
eel!. He had a cigar in his mouth and was full of
ane'edotes. About one o’clock, he suddenly went
on his knees and prayed. He then undressed him
self and rolled serenely into bed, where he was soon
asleep. But before he went in he rubbed musk,
which he had prepared for the occasion, all over his
head and body ! At half past four he woke, asked
the hour, and went to sleep again. He said it was
too early. At six o’clock Goodwin touched and
woke him. He got up, saying he had slept his last
sleep, and dressed himself for the last time, and would
soon be with Jesus !
He was a wonderful genius ! He agreed with the
jailor to be shown for twelve and a half cents each
visitor. He used to cut out portraits from magazines
and sell them to the curious, as the likeness of the
girl he murdered! He wished to be able to pur
chase a grave-stone, and he arranged an epitaph
for it!
McCaffrey was the other murderer. He killed an
old couple for their money. He spent his night in
prayer with his priest, and confessed the murder with
resignation. Foote was a Yankee, the other was an
Irishman. YANKEE DOODLE.
LIST OF PRIZES
Os the Muscogee <fc Russel Agricultural Society, to be
given at the FAIR, on tlie third Wednesday in No
vember next.
For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal...s2 00
“ bushel “ “ Diploma.
“ acre Turnips, silver medal, $2 00
“ bushel “ Diploma.
“ Treatise on making and applying
Manure, suited to Southern crops and cul
ture, silver goblet $lO 00
For the best Treatise on cultivating Corn in the
South, stiver goblet, $lO 00
For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot
ton. including the picking and packing silver
goblet, $lO 00
For the best Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of
Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...§s 00
For the best bag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or
Russel, silver goblet, $ 8 00
For the second best Diploma.
For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or
Russel Silver Medal.
For the second best, “ “
STOCK.
For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal.
“ Mutton “ “ “
“ Ox, for the butcher, “ “
“ Cow, “ “ “ “
For the best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack,
exhibited on the day, Silver cup, $ 8 00
For the 2d and 3d best, Diplomas
For the best Mule, age considered, silver 2 00
For the best Stallion, four years old and up^^^B
silvergohlet 10 00
For the best 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup... 800
For 2d and 3d best Diplomas.
For the best brood Mare, with or without colt,
silver eon, 8 f!0
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best Bull, (age considered,) silver medal, 200
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver medal, 200
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best Boar, silver medal 2 00
For the heaviest Pig, from 6 months to a year old,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best breeding Sow, silver medal, 2 00
TO TIIE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC.
For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern
make, silver cup, § 8 00
For the best Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel
make, silver cup, 00
Forihe largest collection of Agricultural impleme
ments, Silver Medal.
For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make,
silver medal, 200
For the best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala.
f make, silver medal. 200
For the best piece of Factory Osnaburgs, silver
medal, 2 00
For the best piece of Factory Sheeting or Shirt
ing, silver medal 2 00
For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver
medal 2 00
For the best Churn, silver medal 2 00
HORTICULTURE.
For the best Treatise on raising Fruit of all kinds in this
section of country, silver gOblet $lO 00
For the best specimens of Fruit for the season,
„ Silver Medal.
For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver
medal,. 2 00
For the best Boquett of Natural Flowers,"sliver
medal, 200
For the largest collection of Pot Plains,* wiih
names, silver cup, 8 00
For the best Treatise on the culture of Flowers",
by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 800
DAIRY.
For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel
Butter, riot less than 5 lbs., silver medal,.... 200
For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best Treatise on the management of the
Cow in the South, silver cup, g
REGULATIONS OF TIIE FAIR.
All members of the Society, and all who shall be
come members previous to or at the Fair, will be far
nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the
Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all times during
the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single
person, 25 cents.
All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of
the Society, and have their animals or articles entered
at the business office, before taking them into the enclo
sure—except Ladies’ work—this w ill in all cases be ad
mitted free. CHAS. A. PEABODY,
Corresponding Secretary
CONSTITUTION
OF TIIE
Southern Rights Association,
of Stewart County.—Adopted October 1,1850.
We, the citizens of Stewart county, met to
gether for the purpose of forming a Southern
Rights Association, feel called on to make knovyn
our views upon the slavery question, in order
that our objects in forming such an Association
may not be misunderstood, and tiiat we may not
be misrepresented, or placed in a false position
before the country.
We consider it undeniably true, that the
Northern Slates of this confederacy are hostile
to the institution of domestic slavery, as it exists
in the South. This fact is evidenced by the
action of Congress, in the uniform votes of the
Northern members —by the resolutions passed
by the people in their primary assemblies and
conventions—by the tone and spirit of their
newspapers—by the resolutions of their Legisla
tures, and the laws passed to prevent the recap
ture of fugitive slaves. These continued efforts
to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia,
and exclusion from the territories, evince to our
minds, incontrovertibly, that all that is wanting
to overthrow the institution in the States by
Federal Legislation is the power to do so with
impunity.
The South has already suffered much wrong
from the agitation of this question; the tenure
by which this species of property is held, has
been weakened, and the value of the property
itself diminished. The contest so ruthlessly
waged by the North for political power on an
abstract question, and defended by the South
because of its intimate connection with their
social and political existence, destroys the union
of sentiment and interest which binds us to
gether as a common people. The continued
agitation of this question, by the reception of
abolition petitions by Congress, the efforts to
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia —in
the dock-yards and arsenals, and the application
of the Wilmot Proviso to the common territory,
whereby the Southern States are excluded from
all participation therein, are wanton violations
of our rights, and can never be submitted to by
a free people, without the loss of all self-respect,
and a total overthrow of the institution itself.
We complain that California has been admit
ted into the Union of these States wiih an anti
slavery clause in her constitution. The forma
tion of that constitution was irregular and with
out authority of law, and, therefore, null and
void, without the sanction of Congress, which it
has received, to give it vitality, and which is
equivalent to the application of the Wilmot
Proviso by Congress itself.
Congress should have repealed the Mexican
laws abolishing slavery in New Mexico and
Utah, if still of force, and if the treaty of cession
between the two countries, did not abrogate
those laws.
Then it should have been so declared that the
Southern people might have emigrated to the
country, without fear, and exempt from all liti
gation with their slaves, who might demand
their freedom.
This uncertainty is a bai as effectual to the
peopling of these territories by Southern emi
grants, as any direct inhibition by Congress could
possibly have been.
Congress should not have abolished the slave
trade in the District of Columbia, as the right
to abolish the trade in this species of property,
is an assumption of right to abolish the institu
tion itself wherever Congress may have exclu
sive jurisdiction.
The proposed boundary line of Texas, with
ten millions of dollars, offered as purchase money
for the territory ceded, if no other objection ex
isted, is enough, that if Texas accept the terms,
the slaveholding States will be weakened, and
the non-slaveholding States strengthened there
by, still further destroying the balance of power
in the Senate of the United States, which we
have always regarded as our chief guaranty of
safety against aggression.
If the sentiment of the Northern people be, as
we believe, no fugitive slave bill, formed by the
ingenuity of man, can be efficient and adequate
to the great evil contemplated to be healed.
Our slaves are stolen, enticed away, hidden
and protected.
The people assemble in mobs, and prevent the
execution of the laws by imprisoning, and, in
some instances, murdering the slave owner, who
has the temerity to attempt the recapture of his
fugitive slave.
Bv these means the South is deprived of a
half million of property annually. We, there
fore, fear when there shall be a constitutional ma
jority of non-slaveholding States, that the con
stitution will be altered, and this element of
sovereignty taken from the State of Georgia, by
which she exercises exclusive jurisdiction on her
own borders.
W e hold that the territories are common pro
perty, and that the people of Georgia are en
titled to emigrate to them with their property
of every kind and description, and that they
should be protected by law in the peaceable en
joyment thereof.
We believe the only remedy for these evils is
a decided and manly course of resistance. Sub
mission to wrong begets impunity, and invites
renewed aggression.
We will, therefore, support, as delegates to the
proposed Georgia convenlion to meet in Decem
ber next, resistance men, whose duty it will be
to agree upon some mode of redress for past
grievances and security against future aggres
sions; and, also, to invite the other Southern
States to unite with Georgia in support thereof.
We have an abiding confidence in the virtue
and patriotism of the convention, but insist it is
right for the convention to refer action to the
people for ratification.
And we, the citizens of Stewart county, fa
vorable to the maintenance of Southern Rights,
and the equality of the States of this confeder
acy, do hereby agree to adopt the following corw
stitution for our government: oH
This Association shall be known
“ Stewart SoutJ.ern Rights Association .”
The object of this Association shall be a
thorough organization of the Southern Rights
Party in this county, to remain in existence until
the South has no grievances to redress, and all
her rights fully acknowledged and protected.
The officers shall be a President, twenty-six
Vice Presidents, a Secretary, and an Executive
committee.
The President shall preside—call meetings
appoint committees, and do all the duties of a
presiding officer, usual in such associations.
There shall be two Vice Presidents in each
Militia District, who shall have power to preside
at any meeting they may call in their respective
Districts.
The Secretary shall keep a record of all the
proceedings of the Association, and do all the
corresponding demanded by the body.
The Executive Committee shall consist of five
members, appointed by the President; whose
duty it shall be to do all things necessary and
proper to secure the ultimate” triumph of the
object of this Association—disseminate intelli
gence select such documents for reprint and
circulation as may seem advisable, and exercise
a general supervision over the affairs of the
Association.
The members of the Association shall be all
the qua.died voters of this county, favorable to
the maintenance of Southern Rights.
W hich preamble and resolutions were unani
mously adopted by the meeting.
On motion, Resolved, That the proceedings of
this meeting be seut to all the Columbus papers
for publication.
The meeting then adjourned to meet again on
Tuesday, the Bth inst.
A. S. HA\ S, Chairman.
Wm. G. Conley, Secretary.
The Latest Compliment. —At the W 7 estbor
ough (Mass.) Cattle Show, last week, was ex
hibited a Holstein cow called “Jenny JJnd,” with
a bull calf by her aide named “Barnum!”
Resolutions adopted at the Macon Southern
Rights Meeting.
1. Resolved, That the admission of California
was a robbery of the south, and a triumph of
Abolition.
2. Resolved, That whilst we unhesitatingly
deny the charge that the free soil Constitution of
California was framed through the instrumental
ity of President Polk, we declare it to be imma
terial to us whether it was instigated by Presi
dent Polk or Taylor. On this question we are
neither Polk or Taylor men, but Southern Rights
men, and are opposed to the fraud perpetrated
on rights of the Southern people by this Consti
tution by whomsoever framed or formed.
3. Resolved, That in offering to the South as
a boon the Territories of New Mexico and Utah,
where to litigate with their own slaves sueing
them in the Federal Court for their freedom, is
worse than the robbery in California—it is adding
insult to injury, and especially offensive, since
every man of them tell us that the law in those
Territories is against the master, and in favor
of the slave in such litigation.
4. Resolved, That in dismembering Texas, af
ter her boundaries had been acknowledged by
every department of this Government, Liberty
and State rights have received a blow, no less
alarming to freemen, who are not blinded by
party prejudice, than was the partition ofPoland.
5. Resolved. That the last Legislature acted
the part of faithful public servants in providing,,
by an almost unanimous vote, for a Convention
of the people of this State, to consult and adopt
measures for their common safety.
6. Resolved, That, in our opinion, it was not
the intention of the Legislature to predicate the
cal! of the Convention solely on the admission
of California, but rather on that as one of a long
chain ol aggressions, and as an evidence of this,
we cite the preamble of the act.
7. Resolved, That it is the duty of all govern
ments to protect, and not destroy, the persons
and property of the citizens. Congress should
protect us in the enjoyment of our slaves, and
yet have no power to control or abridge such
enjoyment. This is “non-intervention.”
8 . Resolved, That it is not true that the North
supported or approved of the Fugitive Slave
Bill in Congress, or let the south have her own
way in the matter. The yeas and nays show,
that every northern senator present, save two,
voted against it, and a large majority in the
House.
9. Resolved , That since the North has thus
resolved never to cease their aggressions, we
will never cease to oppose and resist, at all haz
ards, and to the last extremity, all such aggres
sions in future.
10. Resolved, That those who manifest such
alarm and abhorrence at the call of a meeting of
the citizens of Georgia, give evidence of very
little faith in the virtue and capacity of our
citizens.
11 . Resolved, That if half the repugnance
were felt or expressed at the North against the
holding of anti-slavery Conventions, that there
is here at the south against one for our protec
tion, we should have far less to apprehend.
12. Resolved, That we have an abiding confi
dence in the capacity of the people for self-gov
ernment, when not misled by dishonest politi
cians, or designing men, and, therefore, appre
hend no danger from their meeting to consult
for their safety. Such meetings are “ formi
dably to tyrants only.”
13. Resolved, That those who made the Con
stitution were all white men, and that they or
dained that the Constitution they made was for
whites and not blacks, by declaring that they
formed it “ to secure the blessing of liberty to us
and our posterity.”
14. Resolved, That while we are for the Union,
so long as the Constitution protects us, we are
against it when that protection ceases.
15. Resolved, That our fathers who made the
Constitution were equals, north and south, and
expected their “posterity” to be treated as equals.
16. Resolved, That the citizens of no State,
norLh or south, can submit to be treated as in
feriors or underlings, without disgracing their
fathers and becoming slaves.
17. Resolved, That we will support no man
for the Convention who will disgrace Georgia by
cowardly measures of surrender to Northern
arrogance and wrong.
18. Resolved, That our destiny is with Georgia
and the south; and whatever fate awaits us we
will never be found co-operating with enemies
ol our institutions or occupying questionable
grounds, against the land ol our families, but
will stand true and maintain her rights at all
hazards.
19. Resolved, That those who charge us with
being desirous to dissolve the Union without a
cause, and while we and our friends can be safe
in the Union, utter what they know to be untrue.
They made the charge for the purpose of alarm
ing the timorous, and deceiving the honest;
and to vise their own language: “We believe
such charges, unsupported as they are, by the
slightest proofs, to be the strongest evidence that
the men who make them are destitute of moral
and political honesty, and ought to be watched
with a special care.”
20. Resolved, That after all proper measures
of redress and prevention have been tried for
oui protection, and have failed, then we shall
try to provide new guards for our future se
curity, and we doubt not, shall be able to repel
all enemies from abroad, and take “ watchful,”
and “ especial care,” of all traitors at home.
21. Resolved, That in vindicating the hitherto
untarnished honor of the State of Georgia, and
to save her from ruin and disgrace, we “ pledge
our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honors,”
never forgetting that we owe our first allegiance
to her, and we call upon all true sons who love
her to rail v with us, shoulder to shoulder around
her. as they did in the proud days of Troup
and the I reaty, and say, as they said then, to
the insolent armies of'frce soilers. “ thus far
shalt thou come and and here shall
your proud waves be staid.”
22. Resolved, I hat we repudiate the charge,
(which an ungenerous opposition have so in
dustriously circulated.) that we entertain anv ill
will to any person or people, because they are
not natives of the Southern States; but on the
contrary w T e extend the hand of friendship and
fellowship to every man, who shows to us, that
he has soul enough to appreciate freedom, and
yrianlmess enough to defend it.
Rational Argument in favor of the Union.
We invite the especial attention of our read
ers to the article in another column, entitled
commerce and Disunion.’ It will be seen that
the writer has a just estimate of the evils of
disunion, especially as it would affect the com
| mercial prosperity of our great national empo
rium, New York. While he contemplates the
utter prostration of the commercial interests of
that city, which would inevitably result from a
dissolution of this Union, he foresees with equal
certainty the utter impossibility of its preserva
tion unless the anti-slavery faction of the North
desist from their aggressions upon the South.—
There is much force in the writer’s argument,
and it is sincerely to be hoped that it will not
fail of its effect upon the minds of that large,
j influential and intelligent class of the Northern
| communities, the commercial men, in whoifl
: alone our hope abides. We have always con
| tended that it was in the power of the commer
i cial interests, as it was their duty to themselves
i and the country, to put down the fanatics and
demagogues ot the North. Had the independ
ent commercial press of the great cities aroused
the attention of this class to the necessity of
such a course, years ago, the demon of discord
would not have presided over the deliberations
of Congress, and the deep-seated causes of dis
content and estrangement which now threaten
us with disunion or greater evils, would not
have existed. We hope that it is not yet too
late, and that a spirit of justice and true con
servatism, prompted as it is, by that most potent
of all arguments, self-preservation, will yet put
a stop to the relentless crusade which fanatics
and demagogues are waging against the rights
of the South and the peace of our common
country.
No one, after reading the article quoted, can
doubt that the late action of the South has had a
powerful agency in awakening public opinion
at the North, and that a steady and united per
sistence in the maintenance of our rights is the
only sure way of obtaining justice and good
faith, without which there is neither security or