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on the raw material. That is a mistaken
policy which advises an export tax on all
cotton sent to the North; by restraining
trade in its channels, we will only injure our
selves ; sell them cotton if they wish to buv
it, and if they will pay for it: but the ques
tion then arises, how can they contend with
English enterprise in a market governed by
free-trade principles ? As to the use of ship
ping, it will be a mere question as to the rel
ative cheapness of freights of Northern,
English or Southern vessels, although some
stress could be laid on the feelings of South
ern men, who would certainly sympathize
with any rather than with those who would
oppress them, even though it should be at
the cost of a little more money. Now let us
reverse the picture and see what would be the
loss to the South in case of secession; what
are the advantages accruing to us in the connec
tion ? Do they consist in the fraternal affection
shown us by the North, or in the generous
protection held out by them to Southern insti
tutions? Do they consist in the formation of
free States or in the privilege they vouchsafe
us of being forced to buy their manufactures
through the imposition of a grievous and
odiou3 tariff? Perhaps this dreadful infliction
is to be found in the cessation of emigration
from the North to the South. How say you,
gentlemen ? Is it so ? If not, in the namo
of Heaven, where will we be losers? You
fear, perhaps, that the North will rise in her
might and compel us, poor cowards, as we
showed ourselves in Mexico, to pander once
more to the interests of her treasuries: well,
then, in God’s name, be it so! Better that
we should know that we are serfs, and know
ing it, suffer as such, than be virtually made
so through the medium of an arbitrary legis
lation, covered by the mantle of a tattered
Constitution. But there is no necessity for
warlike proceedings; we entered the confed
eration in peace, why can we not leave it in
peace ? If an .appeal should be made to arms,
what would become of a Northern army in
our country of chills and fevers, threatened
by a half million of men —whom we could
easily levy—and who would prove by their
courage, endurance and enthusiasm, that the
blood of Revolutionary fathers still runs in
their veins, urging them to resist oppression,
as did those fathers of old. As to a blockade
of our ports, it is a question to be solved if
England, with her thousand of operatives
menacing a revolution in case of a closing of
the manufactories—which would certainly
ensue if they could not obtain our cotton —
would allow such a proceeding. The exist
ence and produce of the South has become
absolutely necessary to the existence of
6ome of the greatest powers of the civilized
world, and nothing is more calculated to de
velope her resources than a secession
from that section which is growing fat at her
expense; the South Sea ports are actually
impoverished to feed the insatiable maw of
the giant cities of the North.— William Ma
son.
The North and the South.
There is no accounting for tastes. Very
many persons prefer to look on the dark side.
They are continually raking up causes for
discontent, and imagining themselves over
reached in every transaction. Their en joy
ment in fact seems to depend upon making
themselves miserable. We cannot but liken
to this class, those people at the North who
insist upon representing that portion of the
country as the loser by the adjustment of the
slavery questions. It is our disposition to
take the brighter view of the matter which
the truth presents. We cannot conceive
what object there is in deluding ourselves
with the idea that we have been bullied, be
trayed, sold out and beaten in a contest with
inferiors. We are unable to shut our eves
against the facts which prove the con
trary, or to refuse our assent to the lamenta
tion in which the really worsted side indulges.
It is agreeable, both to our inclination and
convictions, to believe that the North has al
together the advantage in the recent contro
versy. We do not say this in the way of
boasting, but simply as an undeniable fact.
* * * * * *
The successive annexation to the Union of
Louisiana, Florida and Texas, all of them
being territory suitable for slavery, is com
monly cited as evidence of the unfair acquisi
tions of the South. But it should be remem
bered that before these additions to the South,
the North had received from Virginia, the
free gift of the whole Northwestern territory?’
comprising already six free States having
forty-six representatives in Congress, while',
but five States having only thirteen represen-|
ta fives have as yet been gained by the addi
tions of slave territory. The purchase of
Louisiana, moreover, brought us Oregon and:
probably other future free States. But even!
admitting that the South had gained most in
the more recent enlargements of our boun
daries, up to the breaking out of the wan
with Mexico, what has been the course of
events since ? First, Oregon teas secured as
free territory by positive enactment; then Cal
ifornia, the great State of the Pacific, iras ad
ded to the free States, and finally 150,000
square miles, upon which the slave State of
Texas has an ugly claim, is in a fair way to
be rescued. Instead of bemoaning the 50,-
000 square miles, retained by Texas, it strikes
vs as pleasanter, as well as more accordant,
with the truth, to rejoice over thrice that
amount obtained from her.—Albany (IV. Y.)
State Register.
Northern Politics.
The general movement of Northern poli
tics is truly expressed in the following ex
tract from the New York Herald of Monday.
The picture is indeed drawn with great mod
eration, and if, instead of a general view, the
editor had descended to a sketch of the ele
mentary parts and elements of this move
ment, he must have exhibited a turmoil of
hot and distempered passions such a9 seldom
visit communities, and never without leaving
behind the track of violent and disastrous
change. It is for the Southern people to de
cide whether these passions shall expend
their force upon us or upon those who have
aroused and infuriated them.— Ch. Mercury.
“The political horizon of the North is
growing dark, and portends the swallow
ing up of the Whig party in the Abolition
movement. The course of the majority of
the Syracuse Convention Committee is gen
erally approved throughout the North and
East, and especially in the State of New
Y r ork has it been adopted as the true Whig
platform. In this city, where interest would
prompt a different course, the resolutions of
that Convention have been denounced by the
more considerate of the party; but, in the
the interior and Western sections of the
State, the principles put forth and advocated
by William H. Seward are endorsed and re
published as the only Whig creed. The
press iu those sections, with two or three ex
ceptions of minor character, have taken up
the cry, and thrown the anti-slavery stand
ard to the breeze. The Albany State Regis
ter and Buffalo Commercial Advertiser are
the only papers of influence or note that
have taken up the gauntlet to battle against
the proceedings of the Convention. T.he
Albanv Evening Journal was the first to pro
claim the cause of Seward, and the smaller
prints in the interior have followed, and, with
every issue, denounce all who do not en
dorse the purity of his principles. The late
postmaster at Albany, L. Benedict, has pub
lished a correspondence in the Evening
Journal, between the Postmaster General
and himself, and the Journal has made an
attack upon President l illmore and his ad
ministration, which cannot fail to make wider
the already existing breach in the Whig par
ty. The cause of the publication of the cor
respondence was because Mr. Benedict failed
to obey the instructions of the head of the
Department, or left the whole business of the
office to the care of an assistant, which re
sulted in his removal, and the appointment of
another in his stead. The Democratic press
are of course placed in the dilemma in
which the Whig party is placed; and, should
the Free-soilers hold to the nominations made
by the Democratic Convention, their success
is more than probable.
“The Whig press throughout the Eastern
States are favorable to the Seward principle
of action, and the Boston Atlas strongly cen
sures the Whig seceders for the course they
have pursued. With regard to the compro
mise measures adopted by Congress, they
manifest an unswerving hostility, and espe
cially to the fugitive slave law, which they
assert is unconstitutional, and advise the fu
gitives to resist to the last extremity. The
I’oston Advertiser is the only Whig paper
which has taken a conservative course, and
which commends the utility and justice of the
law. The Democratic press is generally
quiet, and leaves the Whig party to absorb
itself into abolition without an expression of
opinion at all. At all of the late State and
County Conventions of the Whig party in the
Northern and Eastern States, the slavery
question has been the chief subject of com
ment, and they have universally condemned
the action of Congress in the passage of the
Texas Boundary and Fugitive Slave bills,
while the same body has beer, very strongly
censured for not incorporating the slavery
prohibition in the New Mexico and Utah
bills.”
SOUTHERN SENTINEL.
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA:
THURSDAY MORNING, OCT. 24, 1850.
MUSCOGEE COUNTY
Southern Rights Ticket.
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
llon. ALFRED IVERSON.
Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD.
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
WILLIAM Y. BARDEN. •
STEWART COUNTY
Southern Rights Ticket,
• FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
Dr. I. W. STOKES.
WILLIAM NELSON.
Dr. WM. E. WIMBERLY.
JAMES HILLIARD.
HARRIS COUNTY.
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
GEORGE A. B. DOZIER.
THOS. A. WILLIAMS.
JESSE GUNN.
HOPSON MILNER.
■EP'At the head of our column to-day, will be
found the names of the candidates selected by the
Southern Rights party for the county of Muscogee.
Alfred Iverson, who heads the ticket, is well
known to every voter in the county as a finished
statesman and a polished orator. Jlis long expe
rience in public life—his unblemished private charac
ter and his ardent devotion to the interest of Geor
gia, are sufficient guarantees to the people to satisfy
them that in reposing their interests in his hands they
will be committed to one who has the wisdom to
understand and the ability and firmness to enforce
them.
as an ardent son of Georgia, who has passed through
a long and active life “without fear and without re
proach.” The ability of Major Howard none will
doubt, and his untarnished honor none dare quest ion ;
with these qualifications we think he may safely be
trusted by that portion of our citizens who regard
dishonor as the worst evil that can befall a free people.
Wm. Y. Barden has been long known to the
county as an ardent Whig! While his position in this
contest brands with falsehood the charge oft His be
ing a party move, it shows conclusively that a erisis
has arrived when all party preferences must be tem
porarily sacrificed to the maintenance of Southern
rights—this is at all events Mr. Barden’s opinion—
in which he is heartily sustained by a large number
of Whigs in this county as we are informed—in the
city we know that the Whigs who have joined our
Association are nearly, if not fully as numerous as
the Democrats; we think Mr. Barden with his good
common-sense argument will be enabled to persuade
many of the deluded, that “some injustice has been
done to the South.”
Martin J. Crawford is not so well known in
Muscogee, his residence amongst us being more re
cent ; but as he is a very sociable and courteous gen
tleman, we doubt not that he will soon win the hearts
of our people, about which the opposition would care
but little, if unfortunately he did not also win the votes;
but as this is a necessary consequence, we prophesy
that when the canvass is over, he will of all the
candidates be the best known, and least liked by the
opposition. Mr. Crawford has the good fortune to
know a great deal, and the happy faculty of being
able to tell it so that others shall hear him under
standingly.
The candidates are before the people, and if they
like them as well as we do, then there is not a hap
pier set of fellows in all Georgia than are we of the
Southern Rights Association of Muscogee. But our
gratification does not stop here, for while we con
gratulate ourself upon the strength of our ticket, we
cannot but exult over the weakness of that put forth
by the opposition ; except their cause , it is the weak
est thing extant, and if we have a single objection to
it, it arises from the fact that it is not strong enough
to afford food for excitement in the contest. M e had
hoped that the leaders of the parly would have
borne their banner, but alas, after great tribulation,
excitement and caucussing, the mountain has brought
forth a mouse, and the arduous task of exciting the
people of Muscogee to desperate submission , de
volves upon
ALEXANDER McDOUGALD,
ALEXANDER C. MORTON,
THOMAS F. WOOLDRIDGE,
NICHOLAS L. HOWARD.
We think that they have mistaken their man in
the elder Alexander, for “certes,” at the last
legislature, he said, in substance, that the combined
armies of the world could not drive him from 36—30.
There he meant to fight forever ; il he is not for fight
ing upon that line now, he is either inconsistent or
else like Jack Falstaff, only intended to say that he
would not be forced. He would not even give “a
reason on compulsion,” and perhaps gets out of the
dilemma by saying that his submission is “voluntary.”
If this is his position, he has at least one requisite for
candidacy on that side— his skill in vaulting , in
which he rivals even the immortal “Hamilcar,” for we
remember him within a very few years, as a Demo
crat, a Taylor Democrat, a Democratic Whig, a
Whig, a 36-30 fighting man, and uow a “Submis
bionist per e.”
The younger Alexander, we, like “the rest of
mankind,” know very little about. This may be to
his advantage or au conlraire , we cannot say. All
that we do know, is, that he is a young lawyer, whose
first case (if elected,) barring a limited practice before
the Justiciary of Georgia, will be Submission vs. the
Honor of Georgia—Morton for Plaintiff.
The other candidates, Messrs. Wooldridge and
Howard, are two honest, ingenuous gentlemen,
who we fear have been badly put upon by their
more knowing friends, who prefer to be “lookers on
in Vienna;” but the drum has tapped, the nags are
in the field, aud if the submission ticket does not win,
we can only say that it is not because of the weight
it carries.
Plain Talk on a Plain Subject.
We ask the people of Georgia to reflect calmly,
as free and honest men, upon the relation which
they now sustain to the general government. You
must admit, whether the causes be real or imagina
ry, that we are in the midst of a most alarming
crisis. Those who call themselves Union men, tell
you that the Union is in danger ; those who claim
to be Southern Rights men, tell you the South is in
danger. If either is right, it presents a theme for
your most solemn and deliberate consideration.—
You owe it then to yourselves as men, you owe it to
America, you owe it to Georgia, you owe it to your
families, you owe it to posterity, you owe it to the
cause of all mankind, that you should calmly, fear
lessly and dispassionately examine the questions in
volved in the controversy, now so seriously pending
between the different sections of this Union. With
what spirit then should you enter upon this examina
tion ? You will agree with us, in the first place,
that you should not commence it with a mind al
ready made up to stand by the government, no mat
ter how tyrannical and unjust it may be made to ap
pear. You do not hold to the doctrine that this gov
ernment can do no wrong; nor do you acquiesce in
that other equally erroneous and far more degrading
sentiment, that we are bound to submit to every
thing the government may do.
You will agree with us, in the second place, that
you should not undertake this investigation, with
any party bias or prejudice resting on your minds.
The times are too perilous, the questions too grave,
to be influenced by considerations -like these. No
matter then on which side of these issues you may
find either of the two great parties arrayed ; no mat
ter who may have originated or who may be re
sponsible for any or all of the measures which may
have resulted in these difficulties, it is alike your
duty as patriots to devote yourselves honestly and
honorably to their sentiments. Are you Democrats ?
It is no plea for your submission that your party has
involved the country in turmoil, and should submit to
any sort of a settlement for the sake of peace. Are
you Whigs? It is no justification for your indiffer
ence, that you have had nothing to do with bringing
on the war, and therefore you will take no hand in
restoring peace. No; whether you have been
Whigs or Democrats is of no more importance in
this crisis than it would be in a pestilence. You are
Southern men, you are Georgians, and your inter
est in these questions is that of Southern men and
Georgians.
You will agree with us, in the third place, that in
determing your duty in this emergency, you should
not take counsel of your fears. You have nothing to
do with the consequences which may follow a
righteous adherence to truth. If evil come of it,
the fault is his who opposes you, not yours. No
good man, no brave man, has ever yet paused to
count the cost of that which he felt it was his duty
to do. You should not do it. In the language of
an eloquent man, under the circumstances, “He
who dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is
damned.”
now, Georgians, having said thus much of
the spirit with which you should go to work, we
again ask you to reflect upon the relation which you
sustain to the general government? What have
been the issues between the South and the North,
and how have they been settled ? Permit us to re
call them, and if in doing so we are guilty of either
suppressing a truth, or suggesting a falsehood, we
ask to be corrected.
1. The South has asked that the slavery question
be kept out of Congress ; the North has insisted on
keeping it there.
2. The South has asked that slavery be let alone
in the District of Columbia ; the North has insisted
on interfering with it.
3. The South has asked to be allowed an equal
share in the common territory of the Union ; the
North has insisted upon her exclusion.
4. The South has asked that Texas may be left
with the limits assigned her in the terms of annex
ation ; the North has insisted on her dismember
ment.
5. The South has asked that she be allowed the
constitutional right of recapturing her fugitive
slaves; the North has persisted in denying that
right.
These five articles, we think, involve all the points
of controversy recently pending between the South
and the North, and Congress has been the tribunal
before which both parties have been brought for an
adjudication of their rights.
Let us now briefly examine the mode in which
they have been settled by the measures of compro
mise passed at the late session of Congress. But
first, we ask you, men of Georgia, what is the basis
upon which the general government ought to settle
all questions of dispute between the different mem
bers of this great political family? Clearly upon
terms of equality, justice, and according to the letter
and spirit of the constitution ; and in view of the
nature of the compact which exists between these
States; in view of that spirit of perfect equality in
which the government was formed, and in which
alone it can exist—do you not agree with us, that these
are the only terms upon which this controversy
ought to be settled ? Nay, more; do you not agree
with us, that it would be unkind in either party to
demand, and dishonorable in either party to submit
to, a settlement upon any other basis than this ?
It does seem to us that you are obliged to
agree with us in this. Let us recur then to the
manner in which the so-called settlement has really
been made.
We said the first part of variance between the
South and North was : That the South asked that
the slavery question be kept out of Congress, while
the North has insisted on keeping it there. Which
party has prevailed on this point ? Need we answer ?
Go read the history of the last session of Congress.
Point us to a day during that long session, when this
was not the subject of debate. Examine the records
of the legislation of the government for twenty-five
years, and show us one session of the national legis
lature in which the peculiar institutions of the South
have not been violently and threateningly discussed.
Go home with the Northern Representatives who
have just left Washington, and listen to the promises
which they make to their constituents. We have
but begun, say they, the noble work of abolition ; the
agitation is but commenced ; at the next session we
promise to do abundantly more in behalf of your glo
rious cause, than we have ever done before. It is
very clear then who gets the verdict on this point.
The next difficulty is: The South has asked that
slavery in the District be let alone, while the North
has insisted on interfering with it. How has this
been settled? Who has triumphed this time ? Why
the high court, of Congress, like many an umpire be
fore it, in deciding between the weak and the strong,
has determined the matter altogether on one side. It
has said to the South : Behold our magnanimity in
not permitting the North to abolish slavery itself,
(which it had the power and the l ight to do) and now
you must reward this generosity on their part, by re
linquishing the right to trade in slave property in the
District. This is compromise, number one, and the
North thinks it involves a very considerable sacrifice
on her part.
In the third place, the South has asked to be al
lowed an equal share in the common territory of the
Union, and the North has insisted upon her exclu
sion. How has Congress determined this suit ? Has
the South any share in California? No! Has she
any share in Utah? No! Has she any share in
New Mexico? No! Well, this embraces all,
and where is the South’s share? Nowhere! !
Whose fault is it? Nobody's!! But didn't Con
gress decide the questions ? Oh ! yes ; but Con
gress liad the right to decide them, and the South
has no right to complain.
Again : The South has asked that Texas may not
be disturbed, and the North has demanded her dis
memberment. Who succeeded here? The North
of course, because Texas has been dismembered.—
But again it is said, did not Congress and Texas
have the right to settle the question ? Suppose they
did ; we ask did not the Nort.i succeed in its de
mands ?
Finally : the South lias asked to be protected in
her right to recapture her fugitive slaves, while the
North has persisted in refusing it. Which party has
triumphed here? The South apparently; the North
really. Nobody attaches any importance to that meas
ure ; but even if it were worth anything, the appeal
has already been entered , and at the very next ses
sion, the decision will be reversed. Claiming this,
however, as a Southern victory, how does the account
stand ? Os the five points in the controversy, four
have been settled in favor of the North, and one in
favor of the South. One fact then seems to be very
well established: The South has made certain de
mands and they have been totally disregarded. Now
if the South was right in making the demands, a re
fusal to grant, them was a violation of Southern rights.
The question then is, did the South make any im
proper demand ? No Southern man for whose opin
ions we entertain any respect, believes that the South
has yet made an unwarrantable demand in Congress,
and we shall not therefore stop to argue this point.
We have arrived then at the conclusion, that in the
mode of adjustment adopted at the last session of
Congress, the righteous demands of the South have
been disregarded. The next question is, do you
think the South ought silently to submit to an ac
knowledged wrong, knowingly put upon her by the
North ? If you do, then we have not another word
to say ; if you do not, then we have a few more words
to say.
You think then the South ought not to make a
silent and entire submission. What then ought she
to do ? You answer, doubtless, as your legislators
did last winter—let the people meet in convention
and determine upon the mode and measure of re
dress.
This is a plain, common sense view of matters as
they are, and it brings us as Georgians, to the con
sideration of a practical question ‘which we are soon
to decide at the ballot box: what sort of dele
gates SHALL WE SEND TO THAT CONVENTION ?
Shall we send men there who tell us in their opin
ion the South has no cause of complaint, and ridicule
as nonsense, all this rant about the honor and rights
of the South ? Or shall we elect men who believe
that the South has rights ; that these rights have
been violated, and that we ought to demand redress?
Mark the difference. One party denies that the
South has suffered any wrong, and of course holds
all idea of resistance in ridicule ; while the other
party believes that the South has been wronged, and
as honorable men, think she should be righted.—
Which is right ? With which shall you vote ?
Ah 1 say some, we are Southern Rights men, and
believe in some measure of redress, but we are at
tached to this Union, and are not ready to sacrifice
that. Suppose you love the Union, you need not
therefore be submissionists. We frankly tell you
that so far as we are concerned we despise the
Union, and hate the North as we do hell itself, but
all Southern Rights men do not agree with us. Dis
union is not the only remedy proposed. Many of our
friends in other parts of the State have declared
against it. They have gone to work and have nom
inated men who are for “resistance in the Union.”
If you can’t stand disunion, go and do likewise ; but
for Heaven’s sake don’t stultify yourselves by vo
ting for submission men. For ourselves we are like
Mr. Toombs (was), when he said, that “if the
PEOPLE OF THE SOUTH KNEW AS MUCH ABOUT THIS
SLAVERY QUESTION AS I DO, THEY WOULD NOT STAY IN
this Union five minutes,” but because all Southern
Rights men do not think so, it is no reason that they,
like Mr. Toombs, should turn tail, and abandon the
South entirely.
No! Georgians, no ! Every man who has an ear
to hear, an eye to see, a heart to feel, and an arm to
strike, must rally under the banner of the South.—
Let RESISTANCE be your watchword. Leave to
the good and true men whom you elect to represent
you in the Convention, to determine the particular
mode and measure, but redress of some kind you
must have. And if they do not properly represent
you, it will be your prerogative to reverse their decis
ion in the final appeal which will be made to you at
the ballot box.
The Consequences of Secession.
The arguments with which .Southern men have
sought to arouse the people to a proper sense of the
wrongs imposed upon them, have been more para
lyzed by appeals made to their fears, than from ail
other causes combined. The man of common sense,
who is accustomed to take a plain and honest view of
things, sees and knows that the South has not had
justice, and all the sophistry of all the lawyers can
never convince him to the contrary. Hence the at
tempt has not been made, but conceding by their si
lence, the reality of the injustice, our opponents have
sought to restrain an honest demand of redress, by
representing in most frightful colors, the horrors
which must ensue upon making that demand. Civil
war, fraternal blood, murdered families, smouldering
cities, and devastated fields, have made up the out
line of the gloomy pictures which submission presses
have painted as the consequence of secession. How
much of this picture is real, how much imaginary ?
Those who speak of such things have never yet un
dertaken to tell us why, and how, and by whom, the
war will be commenced, and until they do, it must be
admitted that we have no very good reason for get
ting frightened at the bare representation. But let
us look at the matter a little more closely. A moun
tain when seen through a mist and from a distance
looks twice the size it really is.
In the first place, then, there will be no cause for
war in the act of secession—no just cause, we mean.
Has not a State the right to leave this Union, when,
in the exercise of her discretion, she thinks the com
pact under which she entered into it, has been viola
ted ? We imagine no man in Georgia would say,
nay. We have never yet heard the position ques
tioned, and we think it would be difficult to find any
man of sound sense who would. This right being
conceded, then of course its exercise would furnish
no just cause of complaint, much less of war, with the
other members of the confederacy ; for to say that a
State has the right to secede, and then, that the other
States have the right to coerce her to remain in the
Union, is to assert a barefaced absurdity. Then will
there be no just cause of war.
We say in the second place that the North would
have no inducement to make war, even for a good
cause, much less without one. It is a very safe rule
of interpreting human conduct, that a man will not
do that which neither duty nor interest impels him to
do. So of nations. As sane men never act without
a motive, so communities of sane men do not go to
war without a reason. What reason, then, would
the North have for making war upon us ? True, it is
greatly to her interest to maintain the Union, but it
would not be to her interest to make war for that pur
pose. What earthly motive then, we repeat, would
she have for going to war with us ? For the mere fun
of flogging us ? She knows in the first place that
there wouldn’t be mucli/un in it, and in the second
place, it is not very certain which party would get
the flogging.
In the next place, could not make war
even if she desired it. She could get neither the
men nor the money. Where would you muster vol
unteers enough throughout all the North to make an
army that would march into a Southern State, and
that too for the mere love of the thing. We know
an Illinois militia Colonel in Congress talked about
how many troops he, big injunme , would bring with
him, but the militia Colonel himself couldn’t be paid
to beat a kettle drum in gun shot of our borders, and
he passes for the bravest man in his beat. But the
men would be plentier than the dollars. How many
thousands, do you imagine they could raise for that
purpose? Bear in mind, the revenue from imports
would all be cut off, for they could export nothing,
and of course would import nothing. The only resort
would be to direct taxation, and they have not a pub
lic man who would dare propose such a measure. We
assert, then, without the fear of contradiction, that
the North could not maintain a standing army of
25,000 men for six months. But it is said, she will
blockade our ports. Suppose she does, who cares ?
We heard one of our most eloquent stump speakers
once remark, that it would be an excellent speculation
for the South to pay and feed the navies ot the North,
if they would guarantee a strict blockade of our ports
for twelve months. It would involve her in the most
hopeless bankruptcy.
■ In the next place, if the North desired it, and was
able to do so, she would not dare to make war upon
the South, or any one State of the South. It would
be no little matter to do so. We found it pretty
troublesome, and tolerably expensive, to whip the
Mexicans before we got through with it, and the
North would encounter more than a Buena Vista in
every plain, and more than a Cerro Gordo in every
hill top. The history of modern times furnishes no
parallel to the struggle which this country would wit
ness, and the idea is most preposterous, that the
North would encounter it. The Northern man is a
fool, and the Southern man has permitted his fears to
make him a coward, who dreams of such a thing as
possible.
And finally, even if the North had the will, the
ability and the courage, the world would rise up to
prevent it. Tell us, if you please, of the delight with
which European powers watch our dissensions. Tell
us, if you will, that every crowned head is trembling
with pleasure at the prospect of democratic America
destroying herself. It is no such thing. The powers
of Europe do indeed watch our dissensions, but it is
with anxiety. The crowned heads of the world do
tremble at the prospect, but it is with apprehension.
European monarchy despises our politics, but, oh ! it
loves our cotton. England, proud England, would
totter and fall without it, and in its fall drag down ev
ery crown upon the continent. To prevent that ca
tastrophe, European Royalty is the warmest friend
of American Democracy, and when the first note of
preparation for war sounds across the Atlantic, ten
thousand voices would be raised, and ten thousand
hands interposed to arrest it. Then why would we
have a war, now would we have it, and WHO
would make it ?
Uftf “Hon. Josiah Quincy, of Boston, heads the
call for a meeting of citizens in Faneuil Hall on ./Mon
day next, to take measures to protect fugitive slaves
against the recent act of Congress.”
And yet we are told that abolitionism is the work
of a few ignorant fools. Josiah Quincy is one of the
wealthiest, best informed, and most distinguished
men in Massachusetts. Boston is very properly
called the Athens of America. It certainly contains
more learned men than any other city in the Union,
and makes more pretension to morality. Still it is
the strong hold of abolition.
fsr “ How changeable the wind is,” said an old
lady. “It is the changeablest thing I ever did see;
when I went up Washington street it was a blowin’ in
my face, and when I turned to go down, don’t you think
it went a blowin’ in my back !”
We presume JMr. Toombs thinks just so of a few
Southern papers in Georgia. When he went for the
South, they was a blowin ’ in his face, and when he
turned to go the other way, don't you think they
went a blowin ’ in his back ! How changeable they
IS ! ! !
Queries for the Enquirer. —That arm ! which
of Alex. C. Morton's arms was it that “aided in
bearing the glorious banner of a free people in tri
umph over the soil of a foreign foe?”—when and
where ?
That Duck! —Our friend Samivel.of the Enqui
rer, says: “The rampant secessionists who, on yes
terday, roared like a destroying lion, to-day succumb
ed to the omnipotence of public opinion, and took wa
ter with the instinct of a sucking duck.” We
would like to know where that genus of ducks is to
be found. If Samivel has one of them, we think Bar
num would have use for it! and we are doubtful if, in
the absence of the duck, Barnum, who is famous for
“humbugs,” might not see some speculation in the
eyes of the Editor of the Enquirer, and regard him
as a paying curiosity. The fact is, our neighbor has
ranged beyond his proper flight; we think he had
better stick to Goose-ol*gy. That was the breed that
saved Rome by their cackling, and we have hitherto
thought that the incident was remembered by our
neighbor in his repeated efforts to save this g-l-o-r-i
----o-u-s U-n-i-o-n.
O’ The indisposition of the Editor must be offer
ed to the readers of the Sentinel as an excuse for the
lack of editorial : the temporary occupant of the arm
chair being wholly unskillful in catering to the public
taste, fears that he who would not at any time be ca
pable of preparing a dish which would suit the appe
tite of his readers, would be peculiarly unfortunate at
a period when highly seasoned articles are altogether
in demand. Our own temperament being remarka
bly cool, we are apprehensive that our fever heat in
these times of high excitement, might prove a shower
bath to the submissionists, who occasionally
read this sheet, and that when we think we are at
110 Fahrenheit in the shade, they will consider us at
or below zero ; for while we think we go far enough
in saying that the present aggressions must be re
dressed, or secession is. our remedy, some of our
submission friends—excuse the word —acquiescents
we should have said—absolutely froth at the mouth
and grow pale with rage, because we do not go for
dissolution per se. Verily, this is a strange contest,
when one of the disputants, whose only object is the
good of the country, trembles with apprehension, be
cause forsooth he thinks his adversary is about to
abandon the error of his ways, and approach nearer
to that platform which they, the acquiescents, deem
the true one upon which Southern men should rally
for Southern rights. Yet this strange state of things
exists in the county of Muscogee, and if you want to
get a sub—that is to say, an acqui-es-cent, where
the quack doctor proposed to throw his patient before
he could begin to effect a cure—into fits, you have
only to ultimate to him that the opposition do not in
tend to destroy this glorious Union , and forthwith
commences a wailing and gnashing of teeth that pass- \
es like electricity through the entire line of the gal
lant defenders of the Star Spangled Banner. One
would suppose that they would rejoice at the possible
adoption of their remedy, but as the effect produced
is exactly the reverse, in looking for the cause, we
are irresistibly led to the conclusion, that their ob
ject is not so much to save the glorious Union, as it
is to preserve in its full vigor their petty schemes of
party aggrandizement This is the great difficulty to
be met at hast—a portion of the whigs of Muscogee,
and here and thye a Benton Democrat, are very ap
prehensive that a Union of Southern men on any
platform, might per chance throw into the shade that
national Whig, William 11. Seward, who believes
that a law higher than the constitution commands the
abolition of slavery everywhere, or that conservative
Whig now tendered to the South as a peace offering by
Duer, Granger & Cos., the present occupant of the
White House, whose principles may be found in his
Buffalo letter, as follows:
Buffalo, Oct. 17, 1833.
Sir: —Your communication of the 15th inst., as
Chairman of a Committee, appointed by “the Anti-
Slavery Society of the County of Erie,” has just come
to hand. You solicit my answer to the following in
terrogatories :
Ist. Do you believe that petitions to Congress, on
the subject of slavery and the slave trade, ought to be
received, read, and respectfully considered by the Rep
resentatives of the people?
2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to
this nation, under any circumstances, so long as slaves
are held therein ?
3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the
constitutional power it possesses to abolish the internal
slave trade between the States?
_ 4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia ?
I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into an
argument, or to explain at length my reasons for my
opinion. I shall, therefore, content myself, for the pre
sent, by answering all your interrogatories in the affir
mative, and leave for some future occasion a more ex
tended discussion of the subject.
MILLARD FILLMORE.
If this is the conservatism of the Whig party, we
have only to say. save us from the friends who would
fix upon us such Vulture protection.
W e commenced this article intending to announce
the indisposition of the Editor, and so to apologize
for the want of interest in the present sheet. We
have done the former, and in so doing, fully proven
the necessity of the latter part of our proposition.
There is one thing, however, left undone. The ac
quiescents of Muscogee are shaking with fear, be
cause we do not intend to destroy this Union. Their
case is lamentable, and they must look to their politi
cal doctors, Messrs. Toombs and Stephens, for a
remedy. In the meantime, let them ppply as an
emollient plaister our reiterated determination (so far
as we can influence the issue,) to have our rights in
the Union if we can—out of it if we must. If this
will not cure them entirely, it will at least satisfy them
that we will never get upon their platform—which
means acquiescence, at all hazards and to the last ex
tremity.
Extract from Washington’s Letter to JJryan
Fairlax.
The acquiescents of the day are so fond of quoting
the sentiments of Washington, that we are some
what surprised to find that the following letter lias
never been deemed worthy of a place in their wide
ly extended press. We think it peculiarly adapted to
the present crisis, and that it will be read with atten
tion by our readers: by altering the word taxation to
abolition, its applicability to our present position will
be more striking. The letter was written in advoca
cy of the policy of non-inffercourse at a period when
British aggressions were light compared to the
wrongs now heaped upon the South. Long before
the British Parliament had reached the point of op
pression now occupied by the government of the U.
States, Washington was in the field in open rebel
lion against tyranny, and the Union men of that day,
now called Tories , had branded him as a traitor :
“ The following extracts from Washington’s letters in
reply exhibit his view3, and the spirit by which he was
animated:
‘That I differ very widely from you,’ said he, ‘in
respect to the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so
much and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate to
acknowledge; and that this difference in opinion pro
bably proceeds from the different constructions we put
upon the conduct and intention of the ministry, may also
be true ; but, as I see nothing, on the one hand, to in
duce a belief, that the Parliament would embrace a
favorable opportunity of repealing acts, which they go
on w'ith great rapidity to pass, in order to enforce their
tyrannical system ; and, on the other, I observe, or think
I observe, that government is pursuing a regular plan,
at the expense of law and justice, to overthrow our
constitutional rights and liberties, how can I expect any
redress from a measure, which has been ineffectually
tried already? For, sir, what is it we are contending
against ? Is it against paying the duty of three pence
per pound on tea because burthensome ? No, it is the
right only, that we have all along disputed ; and to this
end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as hum
ble and dutiful a manner, as subjects could do. Nay,
more, we applied to the House of Lords and House of
Commons in their different legislative capacities, setting
forth, that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of
this essential and valuable part of our constitution. If,
then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxa
tion that we now do, and, as I before said, all along
have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of
this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly ?
And what reason have we to believe, that they would
make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill
the breast of every American, if they did not intend to
enforce it if possible ?
‘ In short, what further proofs are wanting to satisfy
any one of the designs of the ministry, than their own
acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to the same
point, nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of
taxation ? What hope have we, then, from petitioning,
when they tell us, that now or never is the time to fix
the matter? Shall we, after this, whine and cry for re
lief, when we have already tried it in vain? Dr shall
we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a
sacrifice to despotism ?
‘ If I were in any doubt, as to the right which the
Parliament of Great Britain had to tax us without our
consent, I should moat heartily coincide with you iri
opinion, that to petition, and petition only, is the proper
method to apply for relief; hceause we should then be
asking a favor, and not claiming a right, which, by the
law of nature, and by our constitution, we are, in my
opinion, indubitably entitled to. I should even think it
criminal to go further than this, under such an idea ; but
I have none such. I think the Parliament of Great
Britain have no more right to put their hands into my
pocket, without my consent, than I have to put my
hands into yours ; and, this being already urged to them
in a firm, but decent manner, by all the colonies, what
reason is there to expect any thingfrom their justice?
‘ As to the resolution for addressing the throne, I own
to you, sir, I think the whole might as well have been
expunged. I expect nothing from the measure, nor
should my voice have sanctioned it, if the non-importa
tion scheme was intended to be retarded by it; for lam
convinced, as much as I am of my existence, that there
is no relief for us but in their distress; and Itnink,at
least I hope, that there is public virtue enough left among
us to deny ourselves every thing, but the bare necessaries
of life, to accomplish this end. This we have a right
to do, and no power upon earth can compel us to do
otherwise, till it has first reduced us to the most abject
state of slavery. The stopping of our exports would,
no doubt, be a shorter method than the other to effect
this purpose; but, if we owe money to Great Britain,
nothing but the last necessity can justify the non-pay
ment of it; and, therefore, I have great doubts upon
this head, and wish to see the other method first tried,
which is legal and will facilitate these payments.
‘ Satisfied, then, that the arts of th“ British Parlia
ment are no longer governed by the principles of jus
tice, that they are trampling upon the valuable rights
of Americans, confirmed to them by charter and by the
constitution they themselves boast of, and convinced
beyond the smallest doubt, that these measures are the
result of deliberation, and attempted to be carried into
execution by the hand of power, is it a time to trifle err
risk our cause upon petitions, which with difficulty
obtain access, and afterwards are thrown by with the
utmost contempt ? Or should we, because heretofore
unsuspicious of design, and then unwilling to enter
into disputes with the mother country, go on to bear
more,and forbear to enumerate our just causes of com
plaint ? For my own part, / shall not undertake to
say where the line between Great Britain and the
colonies should be drawn; but lam clearly of opinion,
that one ought to be drawn, and our rights clearly as
certained. I could wish, 1 own, that the dispute had
been left to posterity to determine ; but the crisis is ar
rived when we must assert our rights, or submit to
every imposition, that can be heaped upon us, iill cus
tom and use shall make us tame and abject slaves.’” ;
In every crisis which bears by possibility an analo
gy to past events, it is the habit of the actors to ap
peal to the conduct of men in other days, under cir
cumstances somewhat similar, whose acts are im
pressed so favorably upon the country as to render
their memories a cherished sentiment in the hearts
of the people, thus endeavoring, by shewing a coin
cidence in their courses, to fortify their present po
sition.
The custom is a good one, and when properly ap
pealed to, its effects are not unfelt, but unfortunately
men, actuated by the worst passions, will occa
sionally appeal to the most exemplary instances of pat- i
riotism, and thus endeavor to bolster up p rotten and ■
corrupt cause by perverting the conduct of virtuous 1
men to their own unhallowed purposes. The plausi
bility which hypocrisy ever wears as its armor ia
apt to mislead the unwary, and it not unfrequently
occurs that the very events, which, if truly stated,
would be loud in condemnation, are made to appear
the advocates of that which they in fact condemn.—■
The truth of this position is daily illustrated in our
present struggle, in the desecration which is reflected
on the memory of the Heaven-inspired patriot, by
constant appeals made by the subniissionists to the
life of Washington as a justification for the craven
spirit in which, forgetting their position as equals in
the confederacy, they humbly bow beneath aggres
sions , and cheerfully wear the badge of inferiority.
In the revolution Washington was the object o(
detraction by the Tory presses and their servile min
ions, who saw no injustice in the aggressions of Great
Britain against the colonies ; and in death, the advo
cates of consolidation, the champions of federal pow
er, the parasites of the executive, like vampyres crawl
around his grave, and with their praises hurl at his
memory a blow, beneath which would perish all his
greatness if it had but the force of truth. They clatm
him as an advocate of submission to wrong—as the
counsellor who would pay the price of degradation
for the perpetuity of the Union —as the sage who
would bow at the temple of liberty when its spirit
had fled—as the patriot who, had his life been spared
till now, would have warred against the principhs
which gave him immortality. The above extract
is a full vindication from these foul aspersions, and
we think that no one can read them attentively and
doubt that the sentiments contained in the b aikfax
letter fully endorse secession or any other effective
remedy for the redress of dangerous violations of po
litical principle.
[communicated.]
Lcmkin, Oct., 1850.
Gent : —Fur sum time our place has bin ga and
lively ; we’re all had lots of fun, and would hav had
more, if the toun had bin big enough to hold it. We
all look ahed and hope it may soon be big enough too
hold all the peeple without erampin eny. Lots of us,
and sum in pcrticuler, would hav bin as big agin, but
lumber was scace and we couldn’t git no bigger. The
docturs had to giv anty-swellin fisic, and uee all ther
skearryficators to keap sum on cm from bustin wide
open ; one of the docturs (arter consultin himself,)
says the cases ar very natral, considerin who’s sik.
We’re got a heap of ways here of makin big men
of little ones, but it takes so long to do it, that it kills
era all in finishin off. Sum on em is a tryin it now,
so you may look out for sum dead notices afore long.
Sum on em tried too make a man out of nothin, but
that faled, and sum of the workmen got mightily
hurt. Ther’s a heap of fuss here about the nigger
biznes. Every body’s a talkin about it, an axin ques
tions, and argufyin and wanttn to no who’s sound.
Es our folks find a feller who don’t no exaely how he
stands on the nigger bizness; if he hangs oft’ an can’t
git a platform too stand on, tha hav a meetin an git
all the docters of fisie. and law docters, and sole doc
tors, and then call in all the doctors of offices in the
county all in a rorum and a eheerman, and all talk it
over.
Tha then call over all the officis in the county, and
sum that aint, for the out siders, and then take the
sensus, to no who don’t want offis. If tha find a fel
ler who don’t want offis, tha rule him out for viola
tin art 1, “Noe man shant belong too this party whoo
dont want offis.” Tha haint never turned out any accor
din to the reccords, arter tha git the sensus of oficis,
and sensus of them thats in, and them thats out, and
every ones per arter accord in too the square roote.
Tha cube the offises, and set too work on the plat
form and offices, an say as The Incongruity of all
the platforms is too the offisis, so ia the eube of the
officers to the dividend. Es this dont git an office
and platform for all of em, tha keep a workin and
squarin and bildin till tha all agree that every one
whoo aint got nothin shell hav ther per arter the next
sensus.
Every bndy here has bin up to his eyes in fun fer
several days and nites. We had a heap of meetins
on the nigger biznes, and the Goodin, and Rowel
and Noisy biznes. All the biznes cept the nigger is
settled. Thors a great fuss about that; sums in fa
vor of submisslan and Resistance ; sum in favor of
nucklin rite down to the Yan Keys, and thankin um
fur what they giv us; sum fur nothin till tha git a
offis ; sums fur resistance and sums for do nothing
do-sumthin-do-anything, ly down, go to sleep and
wake up in offis arter the fuss is all over. The first
of theas partys had a meetin tother day. The offis
outers and offis iners had bin work in dae and
nite bildin a platforrne. Sum was fur bildin it one
way and sum fur anuther, and sum was botherd so
in ther mind that they didnt no what kynd of lumbur
to furnish for his part. Sum wanted saft and sum
hard and sum wanted it mixed of all sorts, so tha
apinted a comittc of master workmen to say whoo
should bild it and what tha should make it of, and
tha got together and talked it over and agreed fer ev
ery man to carry lumbur to suit himself, provided it
suited everybody. Arter it was all bilt tha got on it
and it began to crack, and tha all jumped off and be
gan to skamper and looked skeerd and dident no
what to do, till the Boss kum in and told em what
the matter was. Says he, didnt you see the
matter is, and tha said tha couldn’t see any hold in
it, fur every one of um brot a plank and his own ham
mer and nales and worked up all the lumber and
nales and then planned it off to keep it from sticken
any body who tuk hold of it. Says the Boss, dont
you see that all the lumber ;s sappy, and yander is
sum of the nales that was in the old omnibus of Clary ;
now take out them nales and git one hard plank and
plane it off nice and put it in the place of one of the
suppy ones, and sum southern nales, and drive ther
heads in the plank to pervent eny one from stumpin
his toes agin cm. Arter tha finished it the Boss said
it will du, fur, says he, its in favur of the North if tha
ar strongest, and in favur of the South too, and tha
all jumped up and cavorted and said glory! glorv !
its all things to all men—sumthin—nothin—every
thing. Order, says the Boss; now plane it off and
paint it and mix the colors so you wont no one from
tother and then rite on it Union, Southern Rights,
Resistance, Submissian Platform, made of Yankey
materials fer Southern speculatcrs. I fergot to tell
you that three of the planks was got out of a Yankey
omnibus in Maeon. Tha couldnt suite everybody
with Gorgy lumbur, so tha got surn from the norrard.
Good bye, Mr. Editor, I’m bound for the
DARK KONER.
Southern Eights Association.
Columbus, Oct. 18, 1850.
The Association met at the regular hour, and
was called to order by the President. There De
ing no special business to be transacted.
Maj. Howard introduced to the meeting, John
A. Calhoun, Esq., who,in a speech of much fervor,
discussed tho several questions at issue before
the people.
It. J. Moses, Esq., being then called upon was,
upon cause shown, excused, after relating sev
eral humorous and appropriate anecdotes.
Mr. Garret llallenbeck, was then loudly
demanded, who appeared and responded in an
address ot much sober truth and practical wis
! dom. The utmost harmony prevailed through
j out the evening, and at a late hour the meeting
adjourned till Friday next.
VAN LEONARD, President.
J. W. Warren, Secretary.
Georgia Products.
We know of no State in the Union which pos
sesses so many natural advantages as does the
State of Georgia. We speak this in no boasting
manner—the fact is demonstrated almost every
day. Georgia has every variety of soil and
: climate susceptible of the cultivation of the pro
ducts of almost every clime. Wheat, rye, corn,
sugar—most of the tropical fruits, and all the
fruits which can be raised in higher Northern
j latitudes.
; We send to the North for much of our fruits.
I Where is the necessity therefor, when with a.
I little trouble and less labor, the same can be