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S*pt. J 9
VOL. I.
[From the N. Y. Herald, Oct. 13.]
Result oi the Mica Convention— Treason
Triumphant—*Vimi ? s to he done?
The Utica Convention lias ended, as we
feared it would, in farce; for a more ridicu
lous exhibition of weakness, imbecility and
timidity we never saw or heard of. Instead
of taking strong, firm and decided ground,
as the delegates ought to have done, in oppo
sition to a renewal of the dangerous re-agi
tation of the slavery question, and against
\\ m. 11. Seward, and all his associate
demagogues who favored it, and who, to
subserve their own purposes, have renewed ,
the onslaught upon the South and upon the !
constitution, they contented themselves with
passing a few milk-and-water resolutions, re
nominating the candidates selected by the
Abolition Whig Convention of Syracuse, and j
then, like whipped spaniels, falling into the ;
ranks of their opponents, and toadying to j
the very party whom they broke off from on
the ground of principle.
Such a course of conduct is discreditable,
and disgraceful in the extreme, and cannot
fail to produce disaster, not only to the
W big party of tlie North, hut eventually,
perhaps, to the Union itself. What will the
Southern Whigs say to this result? There
is but one course left for them to pursue; and
in the event of the success of the candidates
put forward under such circumstances, they
will, we have no doubt, disclaim all connec
tion with the Northern abolition Whig party,
which, for the purpose of gratifying the ambi
tion of a few pale-faced demagogues, would
sacrifice their national characteristics, and en
gage in warfare against Southern institutions
and the peace and welfare of Southern society
as now organised.
In the Southern States the announcement
will, without doubt, increase and add to the
excitement which already exists there, and
give strength and force to the party—already
very numerous—that lias been organized on
the express ground of secession, in conse
quence of tiie crusade which the abolitionists
of the North have conducted against their
interest*, and against their happiness and so
cial prosperity. Heretofore that crusade ha*
been confined to the ranks of the Garrison
fanatics; but now we see the great Whig
party of the State of New York, deliberately
and designedly, by resolution, and by form
ing an abolition platform, cast off its nation
al characteristic*, and identify itself with men
who profess but one idea, ami that one hos
tile to the South, and enlist under the ban
ners of demagogues and disorganizes who
would not care if this glorious Union were
shivered to pieces, provided their unholy am
bition and purposes are gratified. Os such a
character are Seward, Weed, Greeley & Cos.,
who are the most dangerous men in the com
munity, and whose connection with any par
ty would ruin and destroy it. The well dis
posed and national portion of the Whig party
had hoped that patriotism and sound sense
would have triumphed—that the nationality
of the Whig party of New York would have
been preserved—and that anew set of candi
dates, and anew and comprehensive platform,
would have been put forward hv the Utica
convention. But they have been disappoint
ed; and the foul flag of abolitionism and so
cialism has been unfurled to the breeze, and
the Whigs of this city and State invited to en
roll themselves under it—to re-commence the
onslaught on Southern institutions a* guar
anteed by the constitution, and to wage a war
ot destruction against the commercial interests
and prosperity of the North, and especially
New York. It is in vain to argue that such
is not the direct aim and tendency of the
movement commenced at Syracuse and con
summated at Utica. Notwithstanding all of
Mr. Washington Hunt’s special pleading, and
tha fussy and puerile resolutions passed by the
Utica convention, abolition of the worst
and most diabolical character is now the dis
tinctive characteristic of the Whig party of
New York, and their aim and object a renew
al of the slavery agitation, and a re-opening
of the wounds of the republic so recently
healed. We saw this result long since, and
pointed it out in the clearest maimer possi
ble, in our columns. We warned the Whig
party against being ruled by such demago
gues as Seward, Weed, Greeley, and we pre
dicted that if they tolerated such men, they
would eventually ruin and break down the par
ty. Our predictions were unheeded; but now
they are verified. Step by step those dema
gogues, like a serpent, entwined themselves
around the Whig party, and in a short time
they will administer the coup dc grace, if, in
deed, the}’ have not done so already. The
W higs have* no one to blame but themselves.
While the enemies in their ranks were stab
bing their organization to the heart, they were
sunk in apathy, and lost to the danger that
threatened them.
According to the present condition of pub
lic affairs in the North, and the numerous
unions and alliances which the abolition
Whigs have formed with the socialists, anti
renters, and other disorganizes, there is good
reason to fear that the abolition ticket headed
i by Washington Hunt will he successful at the
election which will take place in this State
next month. We fear that it will be voted
for. regardless of the circumstances under
which it was put forward, and without taking
into consideration the important principle
which will he in issue in the contest. If such
should he the case, and the abolition Whigs
of New York should triumph, we may ex
pect the commencement of an excitement,
and a contest between the North and the
South, of a more violent and dreadful char
acter than any that ever preceded it. The
1 South will see at once that it has nothing to
j hope for from the North, and they will retaliate
iin the most effective manner possible. As it
i is, organizations against Northern commer
j*cial interests have been entered into in the
South. This, however, will be but-the be
ginning of the end. By Northern Hostility
i and fanaticism the South has been driven in
to manufacturing their staple product on an
J extensive scale, and a continuance of it will
I force them to build their own ships, and car
i rv on a direct commerce with Europe and the
j rest of the world. Their latent energies
i will he awakened, and they will avail them*
j solves of the superabundant natural advanta
! rres which nature has provided them with,
i and which are amply sufficient to render the
; Southern States totally independent of the
i North. In such case, what will become of
1 the North—what will become of Northern
I manufactures, Northern commerce, and
Northern prosperity of every kind? Are
! our people ready to sacrifice all —our inter
! este, our prosperity, our commercial vitality—
Cljc Soutljcrn Sentinel.
jto gratify such ambitious demagogues as
Seward, Weed, Greeley & Cos. ? What, then,
is to he done ? Me await an answer.
[From the Washington Republic.]
What will the North lose by Disunion ?
Regarding the Union as the vital princi
ple of our prosperity, it is difficult to esti
mate any peculiar injury in a catastrophe
which involves the destruction of all. We
may, however, advance the general principle
that those States w hich, by the fertility of
their soil and the indispensable character of
their staples, can maintain themselves at
home, will be more independent of a change
of government than those whose welfare de
pends upon a commercial intercourse with
others.
In the event of disunion, the Southern
States would have to bear the expenses of
separate sovereignty. This would prevent
from carrying out the systems of modern im
provement to much advantage. Still, the
Southern States may maintain themselves;
they will scarcely retrograde. Deprived of
the Union, however—compelled to contend
with the world for the commerce of which
they now have a monopoly—met in the mar
kets, which have been heretofore their own,
by a system of revenue and tonnage duties
that may discriminate against them, we fear
that disunion will he most serious to the in
dustrial interests of the Northern States, de
pendent as they must be upon foreign con
sumption. The value of the Union to the
shipping interest of the Northern States may
be estimated from the fact that, at the adop
tion of the Federal Government, the foreign
tonnage employed in the transportation of
American productions was to the domestic
as four to one. Under the protective tonnage
duties, and sustained by the prestige of the
American name, that proportion has been re
versed.
We do not propose to squabble about the
causes of this important result. We only af
firm facts to show r the value at stake. If the
Union shall continue, this interest —which
now exceeds that of any other nation in the
world—will be increased. It will he always
sustained by domestic freights, whilst, under
the reciprocity treaties negotiated by the
Federal Government, the ships of the United
States may enter the ports of England duty
free, in consideration of the empty privilege
of allowing British ships to compete with
American vessels for homo freights. We con
sider the prosperity of this immense interest
staked upon the permanence of the Union.
Another interest which Northern enterprise
has built up, is the manufacture of almost ev
er} 7 article of consumption required by the
wants of civilized man. That this interest
owes its existence to the American system is
alike the boast of its friends and the reproach
of its opponents. We have no intention ev
en to restate the arguments upon the subject.
The results of the system indicate, in our
opinion, the wisdom and patriotism which
founded it. But is not the interest which
that system has created of infinite importance
to the North? The domestic supply of the
South gives to the Northern manufacturer an
assured market. Protected by the revenue
duties of the Union, these duties must, from
the annual increase of the national expendi
tures, amount to an adequate protection upon
a large class of manufactures. If the Union
he destroyed, the Southern States will make
those very articles of consumption pay the
expenses of the separate State governments.
Possibly they will increase those duties for
the protection of their own domestic manufac
tures. If disunion occur, caused as it will
have been, by the most wanton and flagrant
malevolence of feeling, the ruling motive-with
every Southern legislator will .he to embar
rass those interests which under the Union are
cordial, congenial, and reciprocal. Why,
then, should the handicraft manufacturers of
the North—why should the owner of, or op
erative in, a cotton factory—encourage this
agitation ? We find that Southern men who
are endeavoring to preserve the Union are at
the same time encouraging the manufacture
of Southern supplies, or recommending self
denial to the consumers. Is it prudent to
scorn their efforts? A people whose inter
est and whose pride are alike involved may
achieve successes which will astonish them
selves. There is no doubt hut that whilst the
American system demonstrated the folly of
sending raw r material and provisions to Eng
land to be returned to the United States for
consumption, it has also rendered it probable
that the Southern States can manufacture
their own staples—less the freight and com
missions of exportation to the Northern
States—cheaper than the Northern States
can manufacture for them. This seems to he
probable from the fact that whilst some
Northern factories arc closing and working
short time, the cotton factories in the South
ern States are dividing good profits and in
creasing in number. We cannot, therefore,
see the wisdom of jeopardizing the immense
industrial interests of the North by prolong
ing the excitement. We may, without con
demning the motives of those who are deeply
interested in the manufacturing prosperity of
the North, be allowed to ask, are they not
somewhat responsible when they manufac
ture every thing used in the employment of
slave labor, from a cotton gin to a cowhide ?
Are they not somewhat responsible when
they freight their vessels abroad with cotton,
sugar, rice, tobacco, flour, and in return bring
nearly the whole foreign merchandise con
sumed by the Southern States ? How can
there be an immorality in the production of a
staple which is not imparted to every act
from its purchase to its consumption ? If
1 there be any reason in the logical dogma that
I the “receiver is as bad as the thief,” give to
; our Southern fellow-citizens the harshest ap
i pellatiou that we may choose, and the same
j epithets are clearly and inseparably applica
ble alike to every section of the Union. If
slavery has degraded one half the Union, it
i has contributed to enrich the other.
There are other advantages invaluable to
; the North. The Union has built up her com
| mereial ascendency, lienee much the larg
er portion of the Federal revenue is received
jat the Northern ports. Every transfer of
money is regulated by the financial relations
between the point of transfer and the corn
men, ial cities of the North. They areas
much the treasury of the Union as the Hanse
towns were once the treasurers of Christen
dom. Will not this fiscal supremacy be per
iled by the destruction of the revenue sys
tem, and the substitution of foreign for do
i mestic relations between the States ? We
* might advert to the advantage# of internal
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 31, 1850.
commerce enjoyed by the Northern States
through the great system of railroads which
radiate from their cities, but which might be
interrupted by the separation of the States
and the establishment of other and more di
rect systems of communication with the in
terior. But there is one subject of peculiar
importance to the Northern States. The
trade with Eastern Asia is now within the
grasp of the American republic. The Isth
mian passes are the pillars of Hercules to the
Pacific ocean. Whosoever possesses these
will command the richest commerce of the
world. Will the North make this peaceful
conquest under the flag of the Union? or
shall disunion encourage Europe to give to
the Southern States naval protection and
cheap goods in exchange for the key of this
commerce, which, from the vicinage of their
position, must be left in their hands ?
We cannot do justice to a subject which
is so important in its character and so illimit
able in its consequences. We cannot expect
extended articles to be read. We can do no
more than suggest to our readers the ajvful
importance of the trust now committed to
their care. We have endeavored to portray
some of the consequences of disunion upon
the mere pecuniary interests of the different
sections of the Union. The destruction of
these valuable interests would he but as the
dust-cloud that precedes the tempest. The
moral consequences cannot be described;
they are but dimly visible to the prescience of
patriotism. But one vision breaks upon our
dream of the future with painful distinctness.
It is little less than the laugh of fiends oVer
the fall of man. It is the ecstacy with which
every enemy of human freedom will receive
the tidings of our separation and our shame.
It is the thought that this Republic, the tower
of its friends and the terror of its enemies,
shorn of its strength by the of disunion,
will stand, like the champion of Israel, “eye
less at Gaza,” whilst its downfall and its mis
fortunes shall be scorned by the despot who
once trembled at its prowess, and mocked by
the slave* who have wondered at its fame.
[From the Galveston (Texas) New*.]
Dismemberment of Texas.
Our principal objection to the sale of terri
tory to the general government, has always
been grounded on the hypothesis that it would
be equivalent to a transfer of territory to
the possession of our declared enemies, the
free soilers. In other words, that it would, to
that extent, narrow down the limits of slave
ry and extend those of abolition, weakening
the power of the former and enlarging the in
fluence of the latter. The bill as it has now
passed, it is true, avoids the question of slave
ry altogether, and leaves the inhabitants of
the ceded territory the full privilege of ad
opting or excluding slavery at their pleasure.
Thus far therefore, it does not demand, ap-\
parently at. least, any sacrifice of principle
on the part of the South. We cannot how
ever overlook the fact that the free soil vote
which this bill received, and without which it
could not have passed, was given expressly
hither on the argument of Mr. Webster, that
slavery was excluded by a law of nature, or j
on the argument of Mr. Clay that it was ex- !
chided by tiie law of Mexico. It is well
known that they never would have support
ed this hill had they not been perfectly Satis
fied that the South would he as effec
tually excluded from the whole territory
as if the Wilmot Proviso had been incorpo
rated in it. They offer 11s ten millions for the
territory, believing that we shall be excluded
from it with our slaves, and with this argu
ment they will justify their vote to their con
stituents. Our representatives will probably
also justify their support of the hill by refer
ence to the same law of nature, 011 the !
ground that the country is unsuited to slave i
labor, and that it never will be settled by
slaveholders even if it belonged to Texas.—
This question may indeed be true, we do not
pretend to deny it.
None of us can know anything on this
subject. It is all matter of mere conjecture.
Those who favor this bill, not only insist that
the territory is unfit for slave labor, but that
it is also unfit for any labor, that it is in fact
quite worthless. This argument is used
even by our own citizens. But these at
tempts to depreciate our territory are of re
cent date, never having been heard of before
the origin of the present proposition. It is
certainly a very unusual feature in our coun
try, if it be a fact that the valley of so large
a river as the Rio Grande should be a sterile
and barren waste for a distance of ten de
grees of latitude, from 42 to 32. We refer
to it now only to show that the present so
called compromise is no compromise of the
conflicting sentiments between the North
and the South on the subject of slavery.—
There is not the slightest evidence of any
more friendly feeling towards our institutions
or ourselves on account of these compro
mises. It is said that the passage of those
several bills has once more restored the coun
try to harmony. We should be glad to think
so. But can we be justified in this anticipa
tion when there is really no reconciliation be
tween the opposing sections—when each
contends that nothing has been yielded to
the other, and both Northern and Southern
supporters of these measures justify them
selves upon the ground that nothing has been
yielded.
Is it true, as they would say, that no conces
sion has been made by either party? If so
what kind of a compromise is it that compro
mises or concedes nothing? And if noth
ing has been compromised are we not just
where we were at the beginning as regards all
the elements of agitation? It is true, there is
now a State Government for California, a ter
ritorial government for Utah, and will lie
another for New Mexico as soon as Texas
shall have accepted the present bill. These
important measures have passed. But have
we any guarantee that the slavery agitation
is now to cease. Even since the passage of
these bills, attempts have been made on the
• floor of Congress to exclude slavery from
j those very territories by positive prohibition;
and there is no doubt that these attempts will
; be revived at the next session, especially if
| the people of the South shall find it to their
’ advantage to go there with their slaves.
In this case the effort to exclude them will
: be made, if for no other reason, in order to
drive them away with the feeling of insecu
rity produced by the very agitation.
Does any one suppose that the abolition
of the slave trade in the District of Colum
bia which is now accomplished, will satisfy
the abolitionists? Can we expect them to
11 remain contested with this concesrion ? It
is only one step, though an important step, to
wards the accomplishment of their great
purpose ; and this success will encourage
them to renewed efforts and greater perse
verance. The next step will be to abolish
slavery itself in the District, and then in the
territories, and finallv in the States them
selves. A further dismemberment of Texas
will before long he demanded, atul probably
effected by the free soil influence in our own
borders aided and sustained by various local
ami sectional interests and prejudices, and
especially by the influence at Washington,
which will add another free State to the
Union. New Mexico, Utah, Oregon and
other States in the West are fast preparing
for admission, as California has done, by the
exclusion of slavery. It is true, by the ter
ritorial bills recently passed, the people are
left free, nominally, upon the subject of
slavery—so was California. We know well
that California could not have been admitted
with slavery; nor can any other State ; and
this fact itself will as effectually exclude
slavery as the Wilmot Proviso.
The slavery provision in the constitution
of those territories, can be no legal bar to
their admission as States; and yet the free
soilers know that such a provision will inev
itably exclude them. They know that a
large majority of those who voted with then?
for those bills and against the Wilmot Pro
viso, will also vote against the admission of
any State with the slavery clause in its con
stitution. They well understood that their
vote against the Wilmot Proviso was a mere
theoretical concession of no earthly import
ance to any body, while it answered the pur
pose of conciliating tiie South. But to vote
for the admission of a slave State would be
a substantial concession which they never
will make ; for it would be giving political
power in Congress to the slave interest while
it has been their leading object for many
years to reduce the slave representation to a
condition of absolute and hopeless depend
ence, when our institutions will be entirely
within their own control, .unless we shall
choose to defend them by resisting Congres
sional majorities. They have indeed been
kept in check to some extent, by an appre
hension of such resistance, but they have
now succeeded so well in keeping us divided
among ourselves that they are no longer re
strained by any fears of this kind.
It li as become fashionable to denounce ev
ery measure of self-defence against their con
tinued aggressions as treasonable and origin
ating in a spirit of Hostility to the Union.—
The people of the South scarcely dare to
hold a convention to consult upon their com
mon grievances, lest they may he denounced
as disunion!sis, vllraists and traitors to the
Union. The privilege of assembling and
holding a common consultation, used to he
considered an inalienable right of freemen,
but a Star Chamber decree, or a revival of the
old sedition law making it treason to do so,
could scarcely prevent it more effectually,
than t! lis line and cry of treason which is
forthwith shouted through all the Northern
presses and shamefully re-echoed by quite
half the presses in the South. It is thus that
the power of the South has been completely
paralyzed.
[From the Augusta Republic.]
“A Horse Chesnnt and a C'hesnut Horse.”
“It is my object at this time to speak upon
that measure, which some gentlemen are
pleased to call the ‘compromise hill,’ but
which might lie more properly entitled arti
cles of capitulation on the part of the South.
So far from being a compromise, the bill pro
poses nothing short of an abandonment of
the position of the South, and A SURREN
DER OF THE JUST RIGHTS OF HER
PEOPLE to an EQUAL participation in
the new acquisitions of territory.”— Mr. Ste
phens’ Speech on the Clayton Compromise.
This is what Mr. Stephens said about the
Clayton Compromise, which left the ques
tion as to whether Southern men could enjoy
their property in the territories to the Su
premo court. He called it no compromise
whatever, but a surrender of the rights of the
South. Mark you, this Clayton Compro
mise, which Mr. Stephens culls a surrender
of our just rights, left the question to the Su
preme Court. Does not the Clay Compro
mise recently passed and of which he ap
proves, leave the same question to the same
Court ? It is then a surrender of our just
rights even in the opinion of Mr. Stephens.—
It is equally ns bad, if not much worse, than
the Clayton Compromise.
What did Mr. Stephens say ho would do,
if the Clayton Compromise hill was passed
by Congress ? This is an interesting ques
tion. Here it is—here is what lie said, re
member, that he would do in such an event.
The sentences are strong and decidedly ultra
—they are considered disunionish at the
present time. ‘
“And no people, in my judgment, who de
serve the name of freemen, will continue
their allegiance to any government which ar
rays itself not only against their property, but
against their social and civil organization.”
“And whenever this government is brought
in hostile array against me and mine, I am
for disunion—openly, boldly and fearlessly
for revolution. I speak plainly. Gentlemen
may call this ‘treason* if they please. Sir,
epithets have no terrors for me. The charge
of ‘traitor’ may be whispered in the ears of
the timid and craven-hearted ; it is the last
appeal of tyrants.”
We think we see him in Congress deliver
ing these words! Ii Is eyes flash the light of
Southern indignation, at the bare thought of
; leaving the just rights of the South to be de-
I cided upon by the Supreme Court. Weim
j agine we hear the throbbings of His mighty
! heart, too large for the narrow confines of
his body, as he yells forth his indignation,
and pours out his bitter denunciation upon
those who are thus attempting to defraud his
constituents and the South! Bitter invec
tive, scathing sarcasm, biting irony, and su
preme contempt, are all manifested, in every
word, look and action ! What pathos, what
j earnestness, what fiery impetuosity, what in
dignant rebuke, what utter carelessness of
consequences ! Never was anger more feel
ingly displayed, than in his person, as he
contemplates the possibility of the question
being left to be decided by the Supreme
Court of the United States!
And yet the same question, as Mr. Ste
phens now believes, will have to be decided
bv the same Supreme Court, under the Clay
Compromise, which has just passed both
houses of Congress.
1 Is Mr. Stephens mow as he said then he
would be in such an event, “for disunion—
openly, boldly and fearlessly for revolution ?”
Another interesting question—now for the
answer to it.
“I am perfectly satisfied with the compro
mise. Every Georgian should be—we ob
tain even more than wo asked for!”— Mr.
Stephens’ Speech, City Hall.
If this were a laughing matter, wo could
indulge a little more than “a quiet smile” at
some of the summersets which can be seen
sometimes in political life. But the rights,
interests and prosperity- of the South—the
permanency of our institutions and the exist
ence of slave property among us, are all in
volved in this matter. The late compromise,
as we have repeatedly shown, cuts us out of
every foot of the common territory. Cali
fornia has been admitted as a free State—we
cannot enjoy that. And Utah and New
Mexico—but let us quote Mr. Stephens in re
gard to them. In his speech at the City Hall,
lie said: “I do not wish to deceive you, fel
low citizens. Utah and New Mexico will
come into the Union as free States.”
Here then is the result of the whole mat
ter. The South is deprived of every foot of
the territory, and yet we are told by this same
gentleman, that the South has obtained more
than she ashed for ! If she has obtained
more than she asked for let it be shown. Mr.
Toombs and Mr. Stephens both demanded
in Congress an equal share for the South.—
They are now enaged in preaching up sub
mission to what they once declared was the
foulest injustice to the South, and which, in
their opinion then publicly expressed, was
sufficient cause for resistance on the part of
the South! A horse chesnut and a chesnut
horse!
[From the Charleston Morcuiy.]
The Late Acts of Congress.
The author of the Letter to Gov. Sea
brook first undertakes to show that a suc
cessful secession from the Union is nearly or
quite impossible, and then, by way of saving
his readers, we presume, from being altogeth
er disheartened by the dismal picture of im
becility, depravity and mutually destroying
selfishness, which seem to make up his esti
mate of the Southern people undertaking to
set up for themselves, and deprived of the pre
eminent statesmanship and self-immolating
patriotism of Massachusetts and New York
—by way of saving ns from despair, he pro
ceeds to show that we have no cause to try
the appeal to the remedy of secession; that
we have no just complaints at all against the
Federal Government, and only very trifling
ones against the Northern people.
We lay aside, for more full consideration
by itself, the first proposition, that the forma
tion of a Southern Confederacy, “would be
difficult, and its continuance impossible.”
What we say hero will be confined to the
second, and to a few only of the topics which
the writer has loosely and evasively run over.
Not a single one of these topics has he treat
ed in such a way that a stranger to the con
troversy could get from his remarks the
slightest idea of the essence of the questions
involved. lie does not allude to the real
grounds of opposition to the dismemberment
of Texas, —that a great sectional compro
mise on the slavery question was violated hv
that measure, and that notoriously the boun
dary of Texas was disputed as a pretext for
this violation.
He docs not allude to the foul and lawless
trick by which the agents of the Govern
ment arrived at the formation of a State in
California, nor to the persevering opposition
of the North to the establishment of any
lawful authority in that country, until b}’ the
aid of an anti-slavery Administration they
had succeeded in driving the people to the
adoption of an anti-slavery Constitution. By
aid of leaving out all the facts of the case,
and the palpable and never concealed purpose
of the North, he makes the admission of Cal
ifornia a very harmless affair, —rather irregu
lar, to be sure, which is on the whole to be
regretted; but irregularities will happen, and
besides, it is to be hoped it will turn out for
the best!
But we have a graver censure to bestow on
the passage devoted to the Utah and New
Mexico bills. This letter is addressed to a
high functionary of the State, in a form of
much solemnity, by a gentleman of large ex
perience and who could not have been igno
rant of the obligation to verify every impor
tant statement. What then are we to un
derstand by the assertion that “they” (the
Congress of the United States) “have passed
territorial bills without a syllable said on the
subject of slavery.” This i3 not true, and
we are amazed that the author should have
been so imperfectly informed on a point
which he treats as of decisive importance. If
he had read Mr. Memminger’s recent speech
(and it is to he regretted he passed by that
remarkable effort in his course of prepara
tion for remodeling the whole fabric of the
slavery question,) or if he had read the Sen
ate debates on these bills, or the bills them
selves, we think he would have presented the
matter in a quite different aspect. They do
contain syllables and very important sylla
bles about slavery. They contain a clause
prohibiting the territorial legislatures from
passing any law “in respect to African slave
ry.” The Southern Senators demanded that
this should he so modified as to restrain the
territories only from passing any law “estab
lishing or prohibiting African slavery.” They
maintained that the clause as it stood, was a
formal outlawry of slaveholders and slave
property in these territories; that it allowed
no local regulations for its protection and no
appeal to the local authorities for redress if
the master was plundered of his slaves. —
They claimed for the Southern people the
right to be protected in their constitutional
property, within the territories which belong
ed in common to all the States. Their de
mand was rejected by the unanimous vote of
the North. The original form of the pro
hibition was insisted on, because it operated
as an outlawry of slave property.
A few words as to the fugitive slave law. On
this matter, we find the author even more
deeply and more miraculously in the dark
than on the other. He says:
“But the deficiency of the Act is denied.
We profess to think that it will not be exe
cuted; the people of the West and North
say that it shall be; it has been already en
forced promptly and resolutely.”
To those who have had a chance of know
ing how this Act has been received at the
North, we need not say that the above is all
i wrong. The Act, soon after its passage,
! was executed by adroit Surprise in one case
in Harrisburg and in another in New York.
.In these instances, the mob and the torrent
of denunciations of the law, eame after A*
fugitives were carried off. In every ease
where the arrest was known, a mob has gath
ered round the officers and threatened W
make the halls of justice the scenes of Meed#
affrays. Nine out of ten of the politic*}
meetings held lately at the North, have de
nounced the,law; the great majority of the
journals have denounced it, and a Large pare
of them have openly urged resistance to it
execution. And it cannot be executed. The
U. S. Marshal of New York declared at the
recent Whig State Convention that he woeld
sooner throw up his office-and get a living by
robbing henroosts than aid in executing thi*
law. The U. S. Commissioner of Philadel
phia has resigned, alleging that, as an hem
orable man, he could not aid in enforcing it.
The Commissioner of Chicago has resigned
for the like reasons. The Commissioner *f
Cincinnati has given notice that he hae en
closed his commission in a letter of resigna
tion to be forwarded when the first case of
arrest occurs there. These are the results
of an overwhelming public sentiment—men
dare not discharge these duties. If they at
tempt it, they are loaded with opprobrium
and threatened with outrage. The people of
the West and the North say emphatically that
the fugitive law shall not be enforced, and the
author has erred to the extent of the whole
matter In question.
(ffT The people of Eufaula, (Ala.,) have
already come into conflict with the general
government, as will be seen by the following
extract from the Democrat at that place.
Wonder if the Hon. Mr. Bissel will march
one of his regiments down this way to en
force obedience ?
I h port axt Public Meeting^— Our high
ly esteemed postmaster, J. H. Danforth, Esq.,
having refused to deliver the National Era,
an abolition sheet, from our post-office, and
Mr. Fit/. Henry Warren, 2d assistant post
master general, having demanded of him an
explanation, a very large meeting of the citi
zens of Eufaula was held on Saturday night
last, at which resolutions were unanimously
passed, sustaining Mr. Danforth, and declar
ing that in case of his removal for his con
duct in this matter no other postmaster would
be permitted to lake his place.
The vote was first rim voce, Wlieni there
was not a single nay, and then, for the sake
of greater solemnity, it was taken by calling
cm the ayes to stand up, when every man
instantly rose to his feet amid universal
cheering.
The Pennsylvania State Abolition
convention, held at West Chester, a few days
ago, passed the following, among other reso
lutions :
Resolved, That the American Constitution,
by its concession of extraordinary political
power to the slaveholder, in that right which
it gives him to represent three-fifths of hia
human property, by its pledge of the power
of the nation to strike down the slave, if ho
rises in arms for his liberty, and its pro
visions for his re-capture and restoration, if
he attempts to secure the same boon by flight,
is a compact with its justice, and a league
with oppression ; and deserves to bo repudi
ated and spurned by all true abolitionists,
and all true men.
Resolved , That the American Church, as
a body, in the sanction and support which it
gives to American slavery, by receiving to
its communion tables-and into its pulpits, theso
stealers of men ; by its reproaches, excom
munication and persecution of those who
plead the cause of the dumb, and him that
hath no helper; by conferring its honors upon
the oppressor, while it refuses to be a refuge
for the oppressed; by allowing its members,
unrebuked, to elect slaveholders to the offices
of the nation, and to promise allegiance to
the {>ro-slavery constitution of the United
States, lias provod itself uttorly unworthy of
the name of Christ, and ought not to be re
garded or treated as Christian.
Resolved, That the present Congress of
the United States has stamped itself with in
delible infamy, b} T the passage of the fugitive
slave bill, and that every member who voted
for it, and every man who votes for tih* re
election of a member who voted for it, end
any man who aids in its exccutiou, is guilty
of treachery to humanity, and treason against
God.
Resolved, That as friends to the slave, and
lovers of liberty and right, wo are bound to
repudiate and resist, by all righteous means,
this infamous statute, and that we hereby
solemnly pledge ourselves to each other, to
the flying bondmen, to our country, and to
our God, that we will neither obey nor re
gard it; that, though fines ami imprisonment
be our only alternative, we will not ‘betray
him that wandereth/ nor ‘deliver to his mas
ter the servant who has escaped from his
master unto’ us,”
List of Acts Passed by Congress.
The National Intelligencer contains a list
of all the public and private Acts passed at
the late session of Congress. The follow
ing are all of a general character:
4nact to provide for the holding the Courts
of the United States in case of sickness or
other disability of the Judges of the District
Courts.
An act to establish a Territorial Govern
ment for Utah.
An act to suppress the slave trade In the
District of Columbia.
An act to increase the rank and file of the
army, and to encourage enlistment!.
An act to increase the commissariat of the
United States.
An act to amend an act entitled “An aet to
regulate the collection of duties on imports
and tonnage, ” approved March 2d, 1799.
An act giving the assent of the United
States to an act of the General Assembly of
Maryland, passed at the December session,
1844, chapter 287.
An act providing for the taking of the sev
enth and subsequent census of the United
j States, and to fix the number of the members
| of the House of Representative#, and to pro-
I vide for the future apportionment among the
| several States.
An act to carry into effect the convention
between the United States and the Emperor
of Brazil of the 27th day of January, 181§.
An aet to amend and supplementary te the
act entitled “An act respecting fugitive# ken
justice and persons escaping from service of
their masters f* approved February IStk,
1793.
An act to reduce the minimum priee of tW
mineral lands in the Lake Superior distriet of
Michigan and in the Chippewa district#f
Wisconsin.
An act to authorize notaries publie t take
and certify oaths, affirmations and acknowl
edgments in certain cases.
An act supplementary to an act entitled
act providing for the taking of the sevaath
and subsequent census of the United State*,
and to fix the number of members #f the
; House of Rprrew?ntvtive, ami
NO. 44.