Newspaper Page Text
for their future apportionment among the sev
eral States.
An act to amend the act entitled “An act
to amend, in the cases therein mentioned, the
‘act to regulate the duties on imports and
tonnage.’ ”
An act proposing to the State of Texas the
establishment of her Northern and Western
boundaries, the relinquishment by the said
State of all territory claimed by her exterior
to said boundaries, and of all her claims upon
the United States, and to establish a territo
rial government for New Mexico.
An act to authorize the Secretary of the
Treasury to permit vessels from the British
North American Provinces to lade and un
lade at such places in any collection district
of the United States he may designate.
An act to create additional collection dis
tricts in the State of California, and to change
the existing districts therein, and to modify
the existing collection districts in the United
States, and for other purposes.
An act to provide for extending the laws
and the judicial system of the United States
to the State of California.
An act to authorize the appointment of
Indian agents in California.
Acts making the annual appropriation for
light houses, &c.; for the Military Academy;
for the Naval service; for payment of Navy
pensions; for the Post Office Department; for
the Army; for the Civil and Diplomatic ex
penses ; to supply deficiencies in appropria
tions for the fiscal year ending 30th June,
1850; and for certain fortifications.
An act to provide for recording convey
ances of vessels, and for other purposes.
An act supplementary to the act entitled,
“An act supplementary to the act entitled an
act establishing a Mint, and regulating the
coins of the United States.”
An act granting bounty lands to certain
officers and soldiers who have been engaged
in the military services of the United States.
An act to provide for carrying into execu
tion in further part the 12th article of the
treaty with Mexico, concluded at Gaudalupe
Hidalgo.
Joint resolutions authorizing the President
of the United States to accept and attach to
the Navy two vessels offered by Henry Grin
nell, Esq., of New York, to be sent to the
Arctic Seas in search of Sir John Franklin
and his companions.
Joint resolution limiting the expense of
collecting the revenue from customs for the
present fiscal year.
Joint resolution authorizing the purchase
of the manuscript Farewell Address of
George Washington.
Joint resolutions for restoring the settle
ment of the “three months’ extra pay” claims
to the accounting officers of the Treasury.
Joint resolution relative to the payment of
dividends or interest on war bounty scrip.
Joint resolution to amend a resolution ap
proved on the 10th of August, 1850, relative
to the payment of dividends or interest on
war bounty scrip.
The Parhelion, or Mock Sun.
Pass Christian, Oct. 18, 1850.
“ ’Tis the early bird catches the worms.”
While you drowsy denizens of the city were
still lingering over “great Nature’s second
course,” we, being “up and doing,” were fa
vored with the view of one of those rare and
beautiful phenomena, by which the bounte
ous mother occasionally draws the attention
of her unheeding children to the marvels she
is continually working around them, but
which they, made careless by indulgence,
pass by ungrateful or unnoticed. The earth,
the air, the sky, renewed and refreshed by
the welcome rains of yesterday, were sur
passingly lovely; “the gowan glittered on
the sward,” the rosy-bosomed blossoms of
the early morning blushed more brightly
than their wont through the sparkle of their
dewy bath, birds on balancing branches were
carolling a jubilant hymn to the Highest, the
waves, crisp and bright, bent lightly to the
breeze that tenderly curled their feathery
crests, while from the majestic woods came
a sweet sound—mighty mingling of all deep
and solemn harmonies. It might seem the
dawn of the first day that rose upon the new
world in Paradise, when creation yet wore
its hues of primal glory, when all was finish
ed and all had been pronounced “good.”
While still gazing and pondering upon the
greatness and beneficence of the Eternal
Architect, feeling a “presence that disturbed
as with the joy of elevated thoughts,” the
sun had risen up and bathed the world in
light, when lo! a miracle! “two Richmonds
in the field!” The beautiful spectacle of the
parhelion was before us. The real sun just
about on a level with the tree tops, while the
rival luminary, or perhaps its twin brother,
stood trembling on the horizon’s verge, clad
in insufferable splendor. It nor rose, nor
sank, but “on this midway station given,”
rested for, perhaps, the space of ten minutes,
when the golden link that had bound it to the
ascending orb gradually parted; slowly its
form dissolved into the surrounding lustre of
the orient; it melted, melted, and at last van
ished into “thin air.”
This phenomenon of the mock sun is said
to appear at the points where two halves, or
arches, of luminous circles about the sun in
tersect each other, but so real and so palpa
ble did this seem that it was almost impossi
ble to think it a trick played by the eye upon
the fancy.
The dawn has deepened into, day; the
brightness of the morning passed away, and
with it the early glow that rested for a few
brief, happy moments upon our hearts, has
vanished too. and “like this unsubstantial pa
geant faded, left not a wreck behind.”
A Delicate Insinuation. —A verdant
fellow from the country entered a jeweller’s
store yesterday, with a whip under his arm
aud his hands in his pockets, and after look
ing about for a while, leaned over the coun
ter and whispered confidentially to the clerk
so as not to be overheard by the ladies stand
ing near—“Hev you got any bosom ponies ?”
The clerk not understanding the question an
swered in the negative. “I guess you have,”
said the green ’un—“l mean studs”
“Mother,” said a country blade who had
just returned from a visit to the city, “what
thundering big oranges they do have in New
York. I saw one there as big as—oh, as big
“Well, how big were they ?”
“Darn’d if I can tell; they were too big to
put in my memory.”
A lady who had exhausted the vocabulary
of names for her numerous daughters, named
the last “Ann-so-forth.”
“Well, Mr. Jackson,” said a clergyman to
his parishioner, “Sunday must be a blessed
day to you. You work hard six days, and
the seventh you come to church.” “Yes,”
said Mr. Jackson, “I works hard all the week,
and then I comes to church, sets me down,
cocks up my legs, and thinks of nothing /”
SOUTHERN SENTINEL,
COLUMBUS, GEORGIA :
THURSDAY MORNING, OCT, 31, 1850.
Southern Rights Nominations
FOR THE STATE CONVENTION.
Election 25th of November.
Muscogee County.
Hon. ALFRED IVERSON.
Maj. JOHN H. HOWARD.
MARTIN J. CRAWFORD.
WILLIAM Y. BARDEN.
Harris County.
GEORGE A. B. DOZIER.
THOS. A. WILLIAMS.
JESSE GUNN.
HOPSON MILNER.
Stewart County.
Dr. I. W. STOKES.
WILLIAM NELSON.
Dr. WM. E. WIMBERLY.
JAMES HILLIARD.
Randolph County.
RICH’D DAVIS.
CHARLES HARRISON.
S. P. ALLISON.
Dr. S. P. BURNETT.
S. Rights Nominations for State Convention.
RICHMOND COUNTY.—George W. Lamar;
James M. Smyth*; David F. Dickinson; John C.
Sneed.
8188 COUNTY.—Leroy Napier; Charles
Collins; Thomas A. Brown; Robert A. Smith.
MONROE COUNTY.—Thomas L. Battle;
Daniel Goddard; David Ogletree; William C.
Redding.
COBB COUNTY.—John Dunwoody, Sr.; J. N.
Heggie; John S. Anderson; John F. Arnold.
TWIGGS COUNTY.—Benjamin B. Smith;
Dr. Henry S. Wimberly.
CLARK COUNTY.—Charles Dougherty;
Wilson Lumpkin; Isaac S. Vincent; John H. Lowe.
THOMAS COUNTY.—James L. Seward; E.
R. Young.
CASS COUNTY.—Dr. B. H. C. Bonnar; Tho
mas G. Dunlap; J. W. B. Summers; Nathaniel
Nicholson.
MURRAY COUNTY.—GenI. John Bates;
William Gordon.
COWETA COUNTY.—G. D. Greer; L. M.
Smith; R. S. Burch; Dr. Page.
I? Mr. JOHN B. SLATON is duly authorized
to act as Agent for this paper. Ilis receipts for sub
scriptions will be good at this office.
O’ The Editor is still prevented by indisposition
from resuming the duties of his post. Ilis health
has, however, so far been restored that he feels as
sured he will be enabled by the next issue to enter
upon his labors.
HT We invite the attention of our readers to an
article on our first page, taken from the Washington
Republic. The views therein expressed are worthy
of notice, not so much because of the truths which
they so clearly elucidate, as because said truths em
anate from a source which has ever been distinguish
ed by its equivocal, if not hostile position towards the
South.
The Fall Trade.
Our city is rapidly resuming its business aspect.—
The streets begin to be thronged with wagons, the
side walks are strewed with boxes, and the merchant
wears a happy face. An unusually dry season has
closed our river, so that there is not yet the accus
tomed appearance of activity about our wharves.—
We are reminded every day of our great need of a
railroad, and we are pleased to see from the indica
tions on our East Common that we shall hear the
engine’s whistle before many more months shall roll
round. Our merchants experience very great in
convenience and delay jn getting their goods trans
ported from Macon. Some of them have, however,
been receiving very large and handsome assortments,
and, hark’ee, friends, if you wish to know exactly
where to find them, look through our advertising
columns and you will make no mistake.
How is It?
How is it that some of the Georgia delegatioh who
voted in Congress against the measures of the Clay
compromise, have become the unqualified champions
of these same bills since their return home ? If
there was nothing wrong in those measures, they
ought not to have opposed them even with their
votes; if they settled a most alarming controversy
on terms which the South might, with perfect honor,
acquiesce in, were they not bound to contribute to
that settlement ? Can it be that their minds have
become familiar with the deformities they first hated;
that they have “endured, then pitied, then em
braced,” or can it be that they secretly endorsed
those measures even when voting against them, but
dared not give honest expression to their senti
ments ?
The Difference.
The Washington Union is horrified at the coali
tion of the two branches of the Whig party in New
York. The veteran didn’t seem much thunder
struck when the two wings of the Democratic party
fraternized, and it strikes us the one is as significant
as the other. The differenedibetween a Northern
Whig and a Northern Democrat on the subject of
slavery, is about the difference between tweedledum
and tweedledee. We wouldn’t trust either.
The Census.
As the assistant U. S. Marshal is now among us,
taking the census, our citizens would do well to look
to the questions below, to be propounded, and be pre
pared to answer them at once, and correctly. The
heads of families will facilitate the matter, and aid
the census-taker a good deal, by putting their answer
on paper and leaving it at home, so that in case of ab
sence, &a., there will be as little delay as possible
when a call is made at their houses. The questions
are as follows:
“The name of every person who was a resident of
the family Ist June, 1850, age, sex and color.
“Profession, occupation or trade of each male
over the age of fifteen.
“Value of real estate owned, place of birth.
“Married within the year.
“Attended school within the year.
“Persons over twenty years of age who cannot
read or write.
“Whether deaf and dumb, blind, insane, idiotic,
pauper or convict.
“Slaves . —Number, age, sex, color, deaf and dumb,
blind or idiotic.
“ Deaths. —During the year ending Ist June last—
age, sex, color, free or slave, married or widowed—
place of birth, naming State, Territory or country—
the month in which the person died—profession, oc
cupation or trade—disease or cause of death, num
ber of days ill.
“By the term family is meant, either one per
son living separately in a house, or a part of a house,
and providing for himself, or several persons living
together in a house, upon one common means of
support, and separately from others in similar eir
; cumstances. A widow living alone and separately
I providing for herself, or two hundred individuals
living together and provided for by a common head,
should each be numbered as one family.
“By place of abode is meant the house or usual
lodging place of a person. Any one who is tempora
rily absent on a journey, or for other purposes, with
out taking up his place of residence elsewhere, and
with the intention of returning again, is to be con
sidered a member of the family which the assistant
marshal is enumerating.”
Signs ol the Times.
The most dispassionate observer of the political
condition of the Union must see that the continuance
of the North and the South under a common gov
ernment is either immediately or prospectively in
jeopardy. Since the adoption of our federal consti
tution grave matters have often agitated the public
mind, exciting sectional hostility in proportion to the
undue partiality which certain measures would seem
to evince towards certain interests. Political commu
nities extended over territory so large as our own,
must necessarily be distinguished by diversity of
interests, —and fortunate must be those people
among whom such diversity is consistent with the
continuance of an honorable union. Our own gov
ernment has, thus far, experienced the fortune of
which we speak. While sectional hostilities have
often been aroused, they have as often subsided, in
obedience to the necessity of*circumstances or in
promotion of the “general welfare.” The period,
however, has at length arrived when considerations
which may have once arisen from a sense of policy
or fear do not equally operate, because the measures
which the government has imposed are the more
deeply marked by the stamp of political crimes.—
The question of slavery has ever been a serious one
in American legislation. Coeval with the birth of our
constitution, it has since existed, without intermission,
as an element in American politics. The cloud
which has now assumed so portentous an aspect
might not have been always visible to the common
eye, but the political telescope, at any period, since
the commencement of our government, has ever
discovered this dark spot, in its incipient stages, on
the horizon. Antipathy to the slavery of the South
has always been a sentiment deeply fixed in the
minds of the non-slaveliolding States. The occa
sions which have occurred in our legislation for the
development of this sentiment are gloomy evidences
that feelings long immured have only awaited the
period for an indignant utterance. It is not our pur
pose, however, to dwell upon the sentiments of past
days with respect to the subject of slavery: “ let
bye-gones be byc-gones.” Suffice it to say, that at a
memorable period of our country’s history, when the
public mind was agitated to a degree surpassed only
by that which now prevails, Congress, in the pleni
tude of its wisdom, passed measures of compromise
which were supposed to give a perpetual quietus to
the subject. Events have proved, however, that at
that period the “snake was only scotched, not killed.”
It re-appears now in the dimensions of the hydra,
and no Hercules has yet succeeded in destroying its
seven heads. It may be safely affirmed that every
son of the South is ready to exclaim against the insults
which have been imposed upon his native soil, if his
interests do not pervert his reason or subdue his
candor. These insults, it is needless to say, were
the gift of the last national legislature, in which many
of the donors aided in conferring the precious boon
of which they became at the same time the recipients.
This journal, in the advocacy of what it considers
as Southern rights, has ever been the medium of
warfare against the measures of compromise , so
called, which thus met the sanction of Congress. It
has contended that the term was a misnomer,—that
compromise, in this instance, meant imposition upon
the South of measures which she regarded as derog
atory to her political equality in the sisterhood of
States, —that the representatives in Congress of in
terests adverse to our own had yielded to the omnipo
tence of popular will among their constituents, acting
upon the principle of Rob Roy, that
“ They should take who have the power,
And they should keep who can.”
In fine, that thereby the North had achieved a com
plete triumph over the South. While admitting,
however, the iniquity of the principal measures thus
passed to “heal the country’s bleeding wounds,” it was
hoped that the one measure of compromise so gra
ciously bestowed as a peace-offering to the South,
would, by its successful operation, compensate, in
some degree, for the wrongs which had been inflicted
in other respects. Our hopes, however, were not
very strong, as public sentiment North was such as
to inspire fears as to the result. A specific article of
the constitution, whose enforcement was guaranteed
by a special act of Congress, would seem to be potent
enough to command observance. But what has
been the result? We doubt not that even Northern
representatives in Congress have wondered at the
hostility which this measure has encountered wherev
er its provisions have been enforced. The arrest of
every fugitive becomes a signal for the gathering of
the mob, and the court-house, where the right of
property is determined, is cireummured by hordes of
black and white, who are thus assembled in solemn
mockery to express their sympathy for a brother in
distress. Such manifestations of sentiment are, how
ever, comparatively harmless. Repugnance to the
capture of a fugitive slave assumes a more formidable
aspect, when the stump, the press and the pulpit
seem ambitious pf pre-eminence in hatred to such a
measure. The mischief effected by the first of these
three agencies, in the cause of rebellion, is apparent
enough, in view of the violent harangues with which
the populace are r.; so often delighted in the non
slaveholding States. The second agency in the work
of mischief is the more potent, not only because it
becomes the medium of more widely disseminating
the evil which the former has wrought, but because
it warmly and ably endorses it, as apparent in many
of the most influential journals North. From the
last of the three sources of strife we might expect
greater forbearance, if the present, no less than the
past, taught us not to the contrary. Religious asso
ciations have already been holden in some of the
Northern States, influential no less in numbers than
in intellect, in which fanatical zeal must needs find a
mouth to speak. Forgetting no less “obedience to
the powers that be,” than the “charity which hopeth
all things and endureth all things,” these religious as
semblies would seem determined to out-Ilerod Ilcrod
in their hatred of slavery, and by their unhallowed
fanaticism would seem to have surrendered their
consciences as victims to passions in which the arch
fiend would delight to triumph. Public feeling, such
as we have thus endeavored to describe it, must
needs work out its direful end. Passions thus strong
will attain the object they seek. What is that object ?
It is the nullification of that generous measure yclept
the fugitive slave bill, which the North, in the benevo
lence of her concessions, was graciously pleased, in
the late Congress, to bestow upon the South. It is
the erasure from the statute book of the only feature
which could have secured the passage by Congress
of the other obnoxious bills, and which the North
thus gave to the South as a sweet plum to tempt her
in swallowing the pills which accompanied the offer.
What the South will do, when this measure is
consummated, remains to be seen. If the big talk
in which most Southern men indulge in contempla
tion of such an event be the criterion of the action
which would follow, we would rely with confidence
upon the course which the South would pursue.
Experience, however, teaches us that bold declama
tion in behalf of the South is too often followed by
cowardly inaction, —that those persons whose names
were regarded as the synonomes of Southern chivalry
and Southern action, have “fallen from their high
estate” and left the South the vietims of evils no less
past than prospective. As for ourselves, it is need
less to say, that we look forward with joy to the
period when the impositions of our Northern breth
ren shall by dissolution be removed. We hope that
the refusal on the part of the North to execute the
provisions of the fugitive slave bill will be “confirma
tion strong as proofs of holy writ,” that it is madness
to think of continuing in the Union.
The Southern Convention. —This body re-assem
bles, according to its own adjournment, at Nashville,
on the 11th of next month, (November,) that being
six weeks after the adjournment of Congress.
Promises for the Future.
We begin to hear some threats from the submis
sionists, that should the Fugitive Act be repealed,
they will be for resistance, and we attach about as
much importance to them as we do to the wind that
blows idly by us. Resist, indeed ! The party which
now counsels submission will never resist any thing
this goveftment can or will do. Mark our words ;
and without claiming for them any prophetic inspira
tion, we see their inevitable verification in the pres
ent tendency and principles of that party. We do not
say that all the individuals who now compose thal party
will adhere to it when the ends to which it is hasten
ing shall be better revealed ; but we do say, the lead
ers, the master spirits of the submission crew, those
who give it life and activity, would battle under the
black banner of abolition itself, sooner than “ strike
for independence .” We are unwise to deceive our
selves in this matter. There is but one element in
this controversy, and that is the institution of slavery;
the question is Abolition or no Abolition. The
issue may be disguised by sophistry, or it may be ig
nored by our fears, but it breathes, and burns,
and trembles for explosion as certainly as the
smothered fires of a vo’cani. But, we are asked, how
is it that we find men thoroughly identified with the
institution of slavery arrayed on that side ? Some
are there honestly in error ; others are there dishon
estly from various considerations. The planter who
reads nothing but a submission newspaper, who does
not feel the burdens of government, and who secs
no immediate danger to his property, very naturally
ad&pts the conclusion that all is well. So the man
who looks at the recent measures of compromise
apart from all the past history of Abolition, may not
see in them any great cause of alarm ; but the in
telligent mind that honestly reads the signs of the
times, the causes which have led to, and the conse
quences which must result from, the legislation of the
last session of Congress, is forced to the conviction
that nothing short of slavery itself is involved in the
contest. Well, the honest Union men of the South
may see this when Northern fanaticism shall drive
Congress into a repeal of the Fugitive Act, and they
will then agree with us that the South must act; but
the party with which these men act, will stand then,
where it stands now, in opposition to all resistance or
schemes of redress. We have despaired of ever
seeing the day when the South shall be united.—
The South can present r.o issue which would unite
us, and hence our cars are closed to the timid coun
sels of those who advise against all action until we can
present an unbroken front.
[communicated.]
Russell County, Ala., Oct. 25,1850.
Dear Chambers : I noticed in a number of your
excellent paper some time ago, that you came out
openly in favor of disunion, or as you termed it, se
cession. lam proud to say that we stand alike on
that subject. I was much pleased at your open,
frank avowal of your sentiments, (yours being the
first paper that I had seen come out in that bold and
fearless manner) and forthwith determined on be
coming a subscriber to it; but circumstances caused
a delay until the present time. For my part I can
not see how the South is to maintain her honor by
any other means than secession. For years she has
permitted her rights to be trampled on, I will not
say by fanatics, but by cool, designing men, and not
by a few ; but by a large majority of the Northern
people. She has suffered herself to be robbed of
her portion of the territories acquired by the com
mon fund, the common suffering, and the common
blood of the whole people. For the sake of the
Union she has made sacrifice after sacrifice,, and suf
fered injury upon injury, until now, comparatively
speaking, there is no sacrifice left her but the lives of
her subjects, and the only injury left, to be done is to
place the manacles upon them. For the sake of
peace and the Union she has supplicated and cringed
until in every thing nothing but supplication and sub
mission is expected from her, and until her own peo
ple are frightened at the bare idea of resistance.—
For the sake of the Union she has actually begged
for what is her own, instead of boldly asserting her
rights and maintaining them at all hazards. Is the
Union so dear, or an unjust and unequal govern
ment so sweet, that we as Southern men should sac
rifice our rights as citizens of the United States and
our personal property to maintain it ? Will the ad
herence to it at the present time remunerate us for
our past losses, or indemnify us against all future
chances of losing? No, sir. There has scarcely
been a Congress since the foundation of the govern
ment that has not cast an insult upon the South by
attempting in some manner to purloin her rights;
and the last one caps the climax by actually taking
away by legislation almost the last foot of her land
in Texas under the shallow pretence of paying for it,
when almost every dime is to come out of Southern
pockets. Now, if this is not “insult upon injury”
there is no truth in the newspaper reports of it.—
When we complain of it, the cry of “Union, Union,”
is heard from one end of this “glorious confederacy”
to the other, and men thus pretend to show us the evil
consequences that would accrue in the event of a dis
solution, at the same time blinded to the evils already
existing. The cry of “Union” is not confined to
our brethren ( alias enemies) at the North ; but it is
heard among some of the Southern people too, who
give it as their reason for crying “Union,” that we
are not prepared for a dissolution—that we are too
weak at present. In the language of Patrick Henry,
I ask—“ When will we be stronger ?” Never. Ev
ery session of Congress makes us weaker, because
each session legislates away some of our territories,
and legislates them to our Northern enemies, and
when enough of Southern territory is legislated to
them to make three-fourths of the States in this “our
happy Union” free States, away goes the constitu
tion—away will go slavery, and with them the rights
and interests of the South. Our Union men say
that the time will come when a dissolution must take
place. Well, their time will be when the South
will be kicked out because she is no longer worth
robbing. What credit will we gain by that sort of
disunion ? Just what we would deserve—the sneers
and contempt of the world. If disunion be inevit
able, let it come now—yes, now when we are better
prepared than we ever shall be again. Every ses
sion of Congress makes us weaker, and well would it
be for the South if she was never represented in the
halls of Congress again, for then she would have no
representatives to barter away her rights, her inter
ests, her all, for offices.
When we plead and remonstrate with our North
ern enemies for their unjust treatment of us in re
gard to slavery, and appeal to the constitution for
our rights, we are told with a sneer, “that there is a
higher power than the constitution—that of con
science—and they are not bound by its provisions.”
When we speak out and make a show of resistance,
and threaten disunion, then the mangled remains of
a murdered constitution are thrown in our teeth to
stop the cry of justice. What kind of justice can
this be termed ? A different kind from any I ever
heard of.
Like yourself, I am for war upon the government,
and, unless a material change takes place in the con
struction of my nature, ever shall be upon any
compact that does not alike restrain the strong and
defend the weak. lam for war upon the Union un
til better compromises can be made than the Great
Pacificator's compromise. ’Tis true, we have the ;
Fugitive Slave Bill—but a poor, pitiful remuneration
it is for what was taken from us. It will do; but in ;
my humble opinion the other parts of the compro- j
mise should be combatted by the South as long as a j
vestige of it remains. It robs us of lands which :
from their situation should belong to the South ; it
robs us of our privileges as American citizens, born .
in a “free country,” where “oppression” is loathed ; |
and by the Fugitive Slave Bill it wishes to rob us of
our right of exclaiming against its injustice. The
Southern people should swallow no such pill, and
if the North will not listen to their friendly supplica
tions and admonitions, then they should dictate their
terms at the cannon’s mouth.
But I am taking a great deal of space to tell you to
send your excellent paper to my address; but I
wished to give my reasons for hiking it.
Yours, LAMINGTON.
LIST OF PRIZES
; Os the Muscogee & Russel Agricultural Society, t* be
given at the FAIR, on the third Wednesday in No
vember next.
For the best acre Sweet Potatoes, silver medal,..s‘2 00
“ “ bushel “ “ Diploma.
“ “ acre Turnips, silver medal, s‘2 00
“ “ bushel “ Diploma.
“ “ Treatise on making and applying
Manure, suited to Southern crops and cul
ture, silver goblet, $lO 00
[ For the best Treatise on cultivating Corn in the
South, stiver goblet $lO 00
I For the best Treatise on the cultivation of Cot
ton, including the picking and packing silver
goblet, $lO 00
For the best Treatise on the Farm, by a youth of
Muscogee or Russel, the Birmingham medal,...ss 00
For the best bag Cotton, grown in Muscogee or
Russel, silver goblet $ 8 00
For the second best Diploma.
i For the best bushel Wheat, raised in Muscogee or
Russel Silver Medal.
i For the second best, “ “
STOCK.
I For the best fine wooled Sheep Silver Medal.
“ “ Mutton “ “ “
“ “ Ox, for the butcher, “ “
“ “ Cow, “ “ “ “
For the ‘best Georgia and Alabama raised Jack,
exhibited on the day, Silver cup, $ 8 00
For the 2d and 3d best, Diplomas
For the best Mule, age considered, silver medal,. 200
For the best Stallion, four years old and upwards,
silver goblet, 10 00
For the best. 2 year old colt or filly, silver cup,.. 800
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best brood Mare, with or without colt,
silver cup, 8 00
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best Bull, (age considered,) silver medal, 200
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the best Cow. (age considered,) silver medal, 200
For 2d and 3d best, Diplomas.
For the heaviest Hog, not oyer two years old,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best Boar, silver medal, 2 00
For the heaviest Pig, from 6 months to a year old,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best breeding Sow, silver medal 2 00
TO THE MANUFACTURER AND MECHANIC.
For the best Plow for southern culture, and of southern
make, silver cup $ 8 00
For the best Road-waggon, Muscogee or Russel
make, silver cup 8 00
Forthe largest collection of Agricultural impleme
ments. Silver Medal.
For the best two horse Waggon, do. do. make,
silver medal, 2 00
For the best 6 pairs of Negro Shoes, Geo. or Ala.
make, silver medal 2 00
For the best piece of Factory Osnaburgs, silver
medal, 2 00
For the best pieee of Factory Sheeting or Shirt
ing, silver medal 2 00
For the best piece of Linsey-woolsey, silver
medal 2 00
For the best Churn, silver medal 2 00
HORTICULTURE.
Forthe best Treatise on raising Fruit of all kinds in this
section of country, silver goblet, $lO 00
For the best specimens of Fruit for the season,
Silver Medal.
For the largest collection of Vegetables, silver
medal, 2 00
Forthe best Boquet!of Natural Flowers, silver
medal 2 00 |
For the largest collection of Pot Plants, with
names, silver cup, 8 00
Forthe best Treatise on the culture of Flowers,
by a Lady of Muscogee or Russel, silver cup,.. 800
DAIRY.
For the best specimens of Muscogee or Russel
Butter, not less than 5 lbs., silver medal 2 00
For the best sample of cheese, of Southern make,
silver medal 2 00
For the best Treatise on the management of the
Cow in the South, silver cup, 8 00
REGULATIONS OF THE FAIR.
All members of the Society, and all who shall be
come members previous to or at the Fair, will be fur
nished with badges, which wiil admit the person and the
Ladies of his family to the Exhibition at all times during
the continuance of the Fair. Tickets to admit a single
person, 25 cents.
All Exhibitors at the Fair must become members of
the Society, and have their animals or articles entered
at the business office, before taking them into the enclo
sure-—except Ladies’ work—this will in all cases he ad
mined free. CHAS. A. PEABODY,
Corresponding Secretary.
Letter from Hon. Charles Dougherty.
Clarkesville. Oct. 14,1850.
My Dear Doctor :—l have just arrived at this
place from Rabun Court, and received your let
ter of the 9th instant, which was forwarded
from Athens. I read your letter to Col. B. and
myself, and instructed him to make my apology.
It would afford me great pleasure to meet my
friends of Oglethorpe, on the 16th, if possible to
do so without disregarding moral and profes
sional obligations.
The mail closes in a few minutes, and unless
I send by this mail, this letter cannot reach you
by the 16th.
I have only time to say, that in my humble
opinion, if the south now submit calmly to the
late policy of the General Government, touching
the question of slavery, it will be but an invi
tation to the north to commit further aggressions
on our rights. I trust in God I may be mistaken
in this opinion, if the south should tamely sub
mit, which I fear she will. In my judgment the
south should do something by way of resistance.
The kind and mode of resistance is the question,
in my judgment. I am no disunionist. That
must be the last and desperate remedy, if reme
dy it can be called.
All remedies, in my opinion, will prove fruit
less, unless the south can be united and induced
to join in their application. I have not time to
speak of the remedies which have or may be
suggested for our wrongs. In my judgment,
any remedy would be effectual if the whole
south was united in its enforcement. The poli
cy of the Government has resulted in the ex
clusion of southern slaveholders from the new
ly acquired territories, atid it is useless to dis
cuss the question of constitutionality. The
practical result is, and will be, the same as the
positive enactment of the Wilmot proviso—and
yet it is said we should not resist. The next
step will be the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia, and then it will be said that
the interest we have in ten miles square is too
small to justify resistance; and, certainly, it is
true that we have a greater interest in the new
territories, than in the ten miles square. Then
the slave trade between the states will be attack
ed, and if abolished or prohibited, it will be said
that such a measure would render the slaves in
the planting states more valuable, and we will
be called on to submit again; and so on until
our strength is frittered away. The North will
never do but one thing at a time. They will do
nothing which of itself would be so destructive
of our rights, but that some would say it was
not sufficient to justify resistance.
If the North will give any assurances that now
they will stop their aggressions, I might consent
to let them take the territories, and appropriate
them to themselves. But they will give none.
So far from it, they will continue, if not enlarge
their demands. Is it possible that Georgia will
do less than invite the slaveholding states to
meet them in Convention to unite with them on
submission and silence, or on some mode of re
sistance.
I have time to say no more, and repeat my
regret, that I cannot be with you. Hoping that
Oglethorpe may prove herself worthy of the
crisis, I am, sir, your most obedient servant,
CHARLES DOUGHERTY.
Dr. James S. Sims.
Southern Enterprise.
We have recently noticed the arrival of sev
eral new Locomotive Engines for the Central
Rail Road and the Macon & Western Road.
All these machines have been of the most im
proved patterns and of the best workmanship,
and have come from the most popular establish
ments at the North. We take pleasure in no
ticing the arrival of one other Locomotive for
the Southwestern Rail Road, brought out by
the brig Thos. Walter, manufactured by Messrs.
Baldwin & Sons, of Philadelphia. It is intend
ed as a freight engine, and we trust will bring a
portion of the present crop to market.
The South Western Rail Road extends some
fifty miles from Macon, and when entirely com- i
pleted, will be the transit of much of the ‘
trade of that section to Savannah. In a few !
years the road will be so far extended as to se
cure nearly all the produce of South Western
Georgia to Savannah.— Sav. Georgian.
What ought the Convention to do ?
This question is now on the lips of every
thinking and true-hearted Georgian. A satis
factory answer to it, it cannot be denied, is ex
tremely difficult. To the subjects embraced in
it, we have given our maturest consideration,
and now propose to present eur views for what
they are worth. But before we proceed to an
i swer the question, we beg leave to advert to
certain things which the Convention assuredly
ought not, and will not do.
1. The Convention ought not, and will not
meet, and do nothing. For years past, both the
great political parties of the State have been
vieitig with each other in denunciations of North
ern aggression and expressions of determined
resistance. Each stands pledged to the other,
to the South, and to the whole world, that they
would not submit to the exclusion of slavery
from the territories, nor to its abolition in the
District of Columbia. The first of these out
rages upon the South lias already been perpe
trated ; and Congress, by its recent act abolish
ing the slave trade, has asserted the right, and
evinced its willingness to inflict the other. For
the Georgia Convention, then, to assemble, do
nothing, and adjourn, would render her, not only
ridiculous in her own eyes, but worthy of the
pity and contempt of her oppressors. Such a
course would be emphatically declaring to them,
all we have heretofore said is empty bravado,
and that our necks are now ready for any yoke
that they may be pleased to fasten upon them.
2. The Convention ought not, and will not de
cide upon separate and independent State ac
tion. There are some among us, who are the
avowed advocates of secession. The public at
large are not fully advised what they mean by
this measure. Few, if any of them, we imagine,
favor immediate secession, and fewer still, the
secession of Georgia by herself. What, then,
ought the Convention to do ? We answer:
1. It ought carefully to examine into, and
deliberate upon the merits, as a remedy, of non
intercourse; of retaliation by reprisals, and by
a system of discriminating taxation. If these,
or any other similar measures within the con
stitution, promise success, and can unite the
Convention and the people, they should be
adopted.
2. If these remedies, after examination, are
found impracticable or inefficient, let the Con
vention—the sovereignty of Georgia, by a so
lemn ordinance, then assert her rights in the ter
ritories, protest against the injustice by which
she has been excluded from them, as well as
against all the other violatisns of the national
compact by which her rights and interests have
been assailed. Let the Convention, by another
solemn ordinance, propose to all the slavehold
ing States, that they unite with her in sending
delegates to a common Convention, which Con
vention shall meet in the course of the ensuing
year, consult about their common wrongs, and
take such .course, as in their wisdom, shall be
most conducive to their future security ; the
honor, the interests, and the rights of the peo
ple of the slaveholding States.
It is not expected even that this Convention
of all the South, shall adopt as the remedy, the
secession of all the Southern States, till it has
presented its ultimatum to the North, and given
the States there, a reasonable time to retrace
their steps—an opportunity of furnishing, if not
indemnity for the past, some guarantees for the
future security of the South. In the meantime,
the States of the South, can be making all
necessary arrangements for their mutual defence,
and preparing themselves for any contingency
that may await them.
Here is a platform, upon which, it apnears to
us, every true-hearted Georgian can, and ought
to stand. It is one which ultimately will ensure
redress. It may defer it, but it is not wise nor
politic, that the State should act rashly and pre
cipitately. None deny that the South lias been
wronged. All who speak what they feel, admit
that if she tamely submit now, she invites and
must expect renewed aggressions, that if there
is no immediate danger to her institutions, there
is danger in the prospect. Here, then, is com
mon ground, upon which extremes can meet; a
common platform where the exclusive union
man, and the exclusive advocate for Southern
rights can stand, and where both can unite in
battling for the rights of the South, and for the
Union, as it came from the hands of our fathers.
Let the South occupy this platform, and if dis
union comes, she is united and prepared, when
it is forced upon her, to breast any storm that
may ensue. It is the alliance with Northern
Whigs and Northern Democrats that has
brought upon the South the troubles that environ
her. This platform will sever that alliance, and
upon it, in lieu thereof, can stand a Southern Re
publican party, the vigilant sentinels of Southern
rights, which will command respect at the North,
and which, if true to itself, although in a doomed
minority, will be courted there, and can exert a
tremendous influence for good upon the coming
destinies of the country.— Federal Union.
‘‘The Best we can Get.”
We have noticed the various evidences, as
they have appeared, (since the memorable
quackery of “ healing the five bleeding wounds
of the co'untry” triumphed in Congress,) that
the abolition feeling of the North was in no de
gree abated, but rather heightened and strength
ened by the consummation of Mr. Clay’s mea
sures. Every stride in Northern politics proves
this. The Maine election, which immediately
followed, was the complete triumph of free-soil.
The two factions of the Democratic party in
New York have since united by the admission
of John Van Buren into the Slate Convention,
and the surrender to him and Camberleng of the
leadership of the coalition.
Lastly, the New York Whig party have held
their State Convention, and one of the acts of
this body is the unconditional endorsement of
the Senatorial career of Wm. H. Seward. The
resolution is as follows:
“ Resolved , That our thanks are especially
due to the Hon. William H. Seward, for the sig
nal ability and fidelity with which he has sus
tained, in the United States Senate, those belov
ed principles ot public policy so long cherished
by the Whigs of the Empire State, expressed in
State and County Conventions, as well as in the
votes and instructions of our State Legislature
—those principles are eminently National and
Republican, because they are just and equitable.”
It was adopted by ayes 75, noes 40—nearly
two to one. And yet the South has been told
that this abolitionist was not dangerous because
he had the sympathy of only a small faction at
home. Another resolution of this Whig Con
vention is also instructive. It is as follows:
“ Resolved, That the admission of California
into the Union as a State, and with a free Con
stitution, meets with our hearty approbation,
and as a Territorial Government is established
for New Mexico and Ut3h, without any prohibi
tory clause, on the assumption that slavery is ex
cluded by other causes, it is the solemn duty of
Congress to extend the Jeffersonian Ordinance
over those Territories, on the first indication that
slavery or involuntary servitude is likely to be intro
duced into the Territories.”
Observe, that it is here asserted that the Ter
ritorial bills were passed on the assumption that
slavery was already excluded, and it is laid
down as a principle of the Whig party, that the
Wilmot Proviso shall be revived and enforced
the moment there is any indication on the part
of the South of a disposition to share in the
settlement of these Territories. By submitting
to entire and perpetual exclusion, we can save
them- the trouble of excluding us by law, but
not otherwise. This is the peace and harmony,
this is the healing balm of the Compromise!
And there are men even in the South who labor
to delude the people into the belief, that there is
no danger and no dishonor in abiding by a Union
that holds out such a prospect as this.— Char.
Mercury.
Voices From the National North.
The Valparaiso (Ind.) Observer thus an
nounces the passage of the bill abolishing the
slave trade in the District of Columbia :
Triumph of Freedom.— lt will be seen by the
proceedings of Congress published in this paper
that a biil to abolish the trade in the District of i
Columbia has actually passed both Housps, and i
doubtless before now has been signed by the j
President! Hail Columbia ! A good beginning
is made towards ridding the General Govern- j
ment of that institution. We did not think this i
Congress capable of so glorious an act! Let j
them try again. The next step should be to
prohibit slaveholding in that District after a rea
sonable limited time, to be designated. Freedom
throughout the jurisdiction of Congress and uon
intercourse as to slavery in the Stales, is the only
: way the question can be settled.
That’s one Northern platform now, from the
! North-west to the North-east, as this bugle blast
from the Republican of Hartford, Connecticut, (a
place noted for nationality !) will prove:
Ist. In the first place they have on hand a
stern reckoning with the doughfaces and trait
ors. Make war on these creatures everywhere,
and let the war be stern and steady. Show
them up. Scourge them. Vote them down.
2d. Congress must prohibit slavery and estab
lish freedom in the territories. Notice of bills to
this effect has already been given in both
Houses.
; 3d. Slavery must be abolished in the District
iof Columbia. Long enough has it been there to
! disgrace nation. Let there be an end of it.
The National Government must be delivered
from this abomination. The attempt to neutral
ise slavery must be fought until it is thoroughly
defeated. If this chattelism of men is a State in
stitution, let it be driven to the States where it
belongs, and there let it die.
4th. There must be no more slave States ad
ded to this Union. Not another of these swelt
ering bodies of death, these nurseries of oppres
sion, treason, bowie-knife civilization, and pitch
pine chivalry, must come in to increase the de
bauchery of public sentiment in this country,
and add to the influences that transform our
American democracy into a blustering sham.—
“Nomore slave States!” Speak, write, agitate
and vote with this watchword.
The Georgia Block.— The editor of the Con
stitutionalist has examined the block, ordered by
Gov. Towns, for the Washington Monument,
and describes it as being a “ beautiful piece of
workmanship, and will compare favorably with
any from our sister States. The motto inscribed
on it is: ‘ The Union as it was — The Constitution
as it is.' ”
Southern Manufactures.
The following article from the Louisville
Journal will lead to very interesting reflections
in the minds of the thoughtful:
The Progress of the Cotton Manufacture
South and West. —lt is now but a few years
since public attention was called to the vast
natural advantages at various points val
ley of the Mississippi, for the manufacture of
the great staple of that valley. The essays and
discussions on the subject that have appeared
in this and other journals have satisfied every
reading and thinking man in the country that
the chief seats of cotton manufacture are to be
on and near the cotton and wheat fields. Al
ready we see indications of the results of these
opinions in the condition of Eastern mills. In
a few years more English capitalists and ope
ratives will have ascertained our superior ad
vantages, and the mills of Glasgow and Man
chester will be gradually stopped, preparatory to
a removal of money, men and machinery to
points within our limits, where more can be
effected by the force of each.
We ask the attentive consideration of the
reader to the following extract from an able edi
torial in the last Dry Goods Reporter:
“ At the present moment, among the producers
of cloth in those sections—namely the Northern
and Middle States—which have hitherto been
regarded as the chief seats of manufacturing
industry, there appears to be, and doubtless is,
something less of that prosperity which, upon
an average, throughout the whole country, is
unusually marked; the value of raw materials has
risen disproportionately to the price of fabrics,
and, although the demand for the latter is good,
the supply is more than equal to it. That is to
say, notwithstanding the raw material is very
high, and manufacturers complain of inadequate
prices, they nevertheless buy and work up a
larger quantity of raw material than ever before,
in the face of enhanced exportations of rival
productions. This is an anomaly which puzzles
many; but, if we reflect upon the causes which
are in operation to stimulate competition, we ar
rive at something like a solution.
“We may reflect that political causes in Europe
have operated to keep goods cheap in Lancas
tershire, and by so doing, to promote large ex
ports to this side of the Atlantic at a moment
when more incentives to manufacturing rivalry
have acted upon the South and West. These
are, first, abundance of capital; second, the
influence of the improvements in steam power
and machinery, emancipating factory labor from
water-power localities; and lastly, political
motives.
“The South has abundance of capital, evinced
in the fact that the crop thus far delivered, say
2,000,000 bales, has realized $104,000,000,
against $80,000,000 for 2,620,000 bales last year,
that is to say, a quantity diminished by one
fourth, lessening to the same extent the expen
ses of freight packing, weighing, &c., while
rates of exchange are high, drawn against high
values, the South, as a whole, pro
bably to realize $30,000,000 more money from
this crop than from the last. With these means,
factories have so multiplied, that not short of
175,000 spindles are now in operation in the cot
ton States, requiring 100,000 bales of cotton per
annum, and every mail brings advices of some
new one going up. This rivalry affects the old
established factories far more, as new factories
are all armed with the newest improved machin
ery, and will produce at probably 20 per cent,
better advantage. The competition from this
quarter is every way calculated to diminish the
old margin between the cost of raw material and
that of fabrics. Therefore, those old consum
ers who had reached the minimum margin
at which they could work, must give up shop
and give place to more competent operators.”
The editor of that paper has been a merchant
and cotton manufacturer. There is no better
authority on this subject.
Here we see an excess of $30,000,000 as the
product of the cotton crop of 1849-50 over that
of 48-9. 1 his thirty millions of dollars would
put up at home and equip enough mills to
change from five to six hundred thousand bales
of cotton into coarse cotton cloth. Most of the
money would be spent at home for labor and
materials, and would consequently be reproduc
ing cotton mills. The South can spare this
thirty millions of dollars every year, and in
stead of feeling a loss and deficiency of capital,
would feel the stimulating influences of a seduc
tive home employed capital. In ten years, the
savings in carrying cotton cloth, and food for
the cotton cloth-makers in unnatural directions
about the world, would build and equip cotton
mills enough to consume our entire crop, and
we should then have a monopoly of cotton
cloth as well as of raw cotton.
The people of the South would then be busy
at home instead of running off to California.
The stream of Pactoius would then run by their
very doors, and they would find its golden sands
richer than those under the Sacramento.
The reader will not fail to note what is stated
in the extract above about the greater efficiency
of anew cotton machinery. Twenty per cent,
advantage is enormous.
The eastern mills have now the advantage-of
our own only in system. This we can and shall
soon obtain, and then we shall hear no home
croakings and sneers about the profitableness
or advantages of home cotton mills.
The Indians on the Texan Frontier.
The papers in western Texas express appre
hensions that the Comanches are bent on a
bloody and exterminating war. The Indian
Agent, Judge Robins, it is said, has invited the
different tribes to hold a grand talk, but it is be
lieved that no means of conciliation will be ef
fectual with the Comanches. The movements
of Wild Cat, the Seminole chief, are looked on
with suspicion. His settlement near the frontier,
either in Texas or New Mexico, it is thought,
bodes no good for western Texas. We notice
that General Brooke has issued orders for scouts
to be commenced, (simultaneously from each
post.) on the 15th instant, and the several pas
sages and valleys in which Indians may be sus
pected to be lurking about, closely examined,
each scout to be continued over the country de
signated for fifteen days.